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BRIT. MUS., SLOAN E MS. 197, fol.o 18. 

P.Barretto de Reserve's Portraits 







TOitfj jtotrs anU an Sntrofcuctum, 




litbbatobb; boborabt sbobstabt or tb» bbitub 



" Be as acções d' Albuquerque fossem commune, e ordinárias; se as suas empresas 
não passassem as metas do possível, nem a posteridade o collocaria na ordem dos 
Heroes, nem o seu nome chegaria a merecer o reverente pasmo dos séculos futuros."— 

Elogio por Fr. Xm. de Oliveira. - ^. 




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CoLOiriL H. YULE, C.B., Pbbsidbxt. 


> Vicb-Pbbsidbhtb. 
Majob-Gejtbbal Sib HENRY RAWLINSON, K.C.B. J 


Rbv. Db. G. P. BADGER, D.C.L. 

J. BARROW, Esq. 


E. H. BUNBURY, Esq. 

Thb Eabl of DUCTE. 

Captai» HANKEY, R.N. 

Libitt.-Gbwbbal Sib J. HENRY LEFROY, C.B., K.C.M.G. 

R. H. MAJOR, Esq. 

Rbab-Admibal MAYNE, C.B. 

Colovbl Sib WM. L. MEREWETHER, C.B., K.C.S.T. 




Tni Lobs STANLEY of Albhrlrt. 


Libitt.-Gbbbbal Sib HENRY THUTLLIER, C.S.I. 

CLEMENTS R. MARKHAM, C.B., Hojtobaby Sbcbbtaby. 

1 07222 

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Portrait of Dom Vasco da Gama, Sixth Viceroy of India, 

from MS. Sloan. 197, f. 18 . Frontispiece 

Introduction . . . i 

Chronology of Part III . xliii 

Title to the Edition of 1774 — Part III . xlvii 

Titles of the Chapters contained in the Third Part xlix 

Commentaries of Afonso Dalboquerque — Part III . 1-264 

44 Letter which the great Afonso Dalboquerque wrote to 
the Hidalcâo as soon as Goa had been taken 11 . 20 

"Speech of the great Afonso Dalboquerque before the 

second storming of Malaca 11 . .115 

44 Instructions to the Portuguese Ambassador setting out 

to Siam 11 . . . .156 

44 Oration of Camillo Portio to Pope Leo X, upon the 
Conquest of Malaca 11 . . .172 

"Letter of the great Afonso Dalboquerque to the King 
of Portugal concerning the Maintenance of Portu- 
guese Power in Goa 11 . . . 258 

44 Articles which the King sent to Afonso Dalboquerque 
concerning Goa 11 .... 268 

Map of the Malay Peninsula and Adjacent Parts, from 

the Portolano of Diego Homem, a.d. 1558 . To face p. 1 

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Pedigree op the Kings op Malaca . . .83 

Bird's-Eye View of Malaca, from Correa's Lendas da India 

To face p. 122 

Plan of the Fortifications of Malaca, from MS. Sloan. 

197, f. 382 .... To face p. 137 

Scheme of the Portuguese Coinage of Malaca . .140 

Probable Plan of the Military Operations of Afonso 

Dalboquerque against Roçalcao . . 224 

Portrait of Diogo Lopes de Siqueyra, Fourth Viceroy of 

India, from MS. Sloan. 197, f. 15 . To face p. 2.) 4 

Appendix ..... 265 

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o grande Cavalleiro, 

Que ao vento velas deu na occidua parte, 

E lá, onde infante o Sol dá luz primeiro, 

Fixou das Quinas santas o Estendarte. 

E com afronta do infernal guerreiro, 

(Mercê do Coo) ganhou por força, e arte 

áureo Reino, e trocou com pio exemplo 

A profana mesquita em sacro templo. 
• • * • 

tempo chega, Alfonso, em que a santa 

Sião terá por vós a liberdade, 

A Monarquia, que hoje o Ceo levanta, 

Devoto consagrando a eternidade. 

O, bem nascida generosa planta, 

Que em flor fructo ha de dar á Christandade, 

E materia a mil cysnes, que, cantando 

De vós, se hirâo comvosco eternizando. 

De Christo a injusta morte vingou Tito 
Na de Jerusalem total ruína : 
E a vós, a quem Deos deu hum peito invitto, 
Ser vingador de sua Fé destina. 
Extinguir do Agareno o falso rito 
He de vosso valor a empreza dina: 
Tomai pois o bastão de empreza grande 
Para o tempo que o Ceo marchar vos mande. 
Malaca Conquistada 
pelo grande Affonso De Albuquerque. 

Poema de Francetco de Sa' de Mtnezeê. 

The Third Part of the Commentaries of the Great 
Afonso Dalboquerque, a translation of which is given 
in this volume, maintains the interest in the Portu- 
guese hero which was awakened by the previous 

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volumes. To the conquest of Ormuz and Goa, already 
published, we have here in continuation the second 
conquest of Goa, and the extension of the Portuguese 
empire to the Malay peninsula. 

The volume opens with the return of Afonso Dalbo- 
querque to Cananor, from which port he set sail with 
twenty ships, and put into Onor for supplies and water. 
Here he learned the imposing strength of the Hidalcão 
(about eight thousand Turks, Rumes, and Moors against 
seventeen hundred Portuguese), from Timoja and the 
friendly king of Garçopa, and then proceeded by way 
of Anjadiva to the river of Goa. A council was here- 
upon held, which resulted in an unanimous determina- 
tion to attack the city at once, without relying upon 
the aid promised by the native chiefs. The forces were 
divided, but not without much opposition on the part 
of the captains, into three companies : one, commanded 
by Manuel da Cunha and Manuel de Lacerda, to attack 
the stockades near the citadel ; another, under the 
leadership of Diogo Mendez de Vasconcelos, to storm 
the palisades near the sea ; and a third, under the 
command of the Viceroy himself, to take the stockades 
in flank. 

On the following morning, the 25th of November, 
1510, with an effigy of their national patron, St. 
James the greater, carried in the van, a general assault 
was carried out, the stockades entered, and all who 
resisted the onward progress of the besiegers put to 
the sword ; while of those who fled away in their 
panic over the numerous fords and passes an im- 
mense number were drowned. In this brilliant en- 

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gagement seven of the Portuguese officers were killed, 
among whom the author of the Commentaries espe- 
cially signalises D. Jeronymo de Lima, André de 
Afonseca, Antonio Graces, and Álvaro Gomez, while 
on the side of the enemy not less than two thousand, 
about one-fourth of the whole native strength, were 
estimated to have perished. 

In the sack which ensued, besides the miscellaneous 
plunder, none of which Afonso Dalboquerque cared to 
appropriate, a considerable quantity of artillery, muni- 
tions, and horses were taken, and in accordance with 
the bloodthirsty laws which appear to have regulated 
such occasions, not only in India, but in other coun- 
tries claiming to be far more civilised at the period, 
no quarter was given; none of the hated sect of Maho- 
met were spared ; men, women, and children were 
mercilessly put to death ; and as a punishment for the 
treachery of which the Moors had been guilty when 
Afonso Dalboquerque took the city for the first time, 
for four days incessantly the Portuguese and Hin- 
doos poured out the blood of the Moors who were 
found therein ; and it was ascertained that of men, 
women, and children the number killed exceeded six 
thousand. 1 On this occasion the Viceroy is stated to 
have perpetrated a very horrible act of vengeance 
against the enemy ; a mosque was filled with Moors 
taken captive by the Hindoos and then set on fire ; 
and among the people who thus perished was a de- 
serter who had gone over to the Hidalcão and turned 
Mahometan when Goa was taken for the first time. 

1 Page 16. 

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No time was lost by Afonso Dalboquerque iu forti- 
fying the city, every one, from the highest to the low- 
est, had to take his share of duty, and the walls, towers, 
and ditches were completed in a marvellously short 
space of time, " where it now stands", for the plan of 
which the reader is referred to vol. ii, p. 88. 1 During 
the excavations a bronze crucifix was dug up in the 
course of demolishing some old foundations. Curiously 
enough, Corrêa 2 mentions a similar discovery in No- 
vember 1512 in these terms : "Também o Gouernador 
n'estas nãos mandou a EIRey huma caixinha de prata, e 
dentro metido hum corpo de crucificio, que foy achado 
per hum homem cauando pêra fazer hum poço, è o 
achou tendo feito coua de três braças, que se achou no 
inuerno, que foy d'esta maneyra : que cauando hum 
pobre homem pêra fazer hum poço, tendo altura de 
três braças, achou hum corpo de crucificio de grandura 
menos de hum palmo, aberto por detrás, muyto gastado, 
e o rostro bom e barbas, e o braço direito polo cotouello 
somente, e o esquerdo inteiro e o corpo e pernas e pés 
enteiros, e feito de hum metal que ouriues e lapidairos 
nun qua souberão conhecer, nem com o buril o poderão 
descobrir, que nada entrava n'elle : o que fez grande 
espanto no Gouernador e todos os fidalgos, que caso 
podia ser em tal lugar terra de mouros de tantos annos, 

1 One of the most exhaustive works on Portuguese Goa is that 
entitled, " An Historical and Archaological Sketch of the City of 
Goa, preceded by a short Statistical Account of the Territory of 
Goa, written by authorisation of the Government, by José Nicolau 
da Fonseca, President of the ' Sociedade dos Amigos das Letras'." 
Bombay, 1878, 8vo. * Ltiidas da índia, 1, ii, p. 328. 

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sem auer memoria que nunqua n'ella ouvesse christãos." 
" The governor, Afonso Dalboqueíque, also sent to the 
king in these ships a small casket of silver, and within 
it the figure of our Saviour from a crucifix, which had 
been found by a poor man who was digging the 
foundation for a well. This man found it when he 
had dug down as deep as three fathoms, and it was in 
the winter under the following circumstances. There 
was a poor man digging the foundation for a well, and 
at the depth of three fathoms he found the figure from 
a crucifix of the height of- less than a palm, hollow 
behind, very worn, but the countenance and beard 
well preserved ; the right arm broken off at the elbow, 
the left whole, the body, legs, and feet uninjured, made 
of a metal unknown to the goldsmiths and lapidaries, 
for it could not be scratched with the point of a graver. 
This excited great wonder in the governor and Fidal- 
goes how it could have chanced to get into such a place, 
for so many years the country of Moors, in which 
there was no remembrance of there ever having been 
any Christian inhabitants. " 

In return for this victory Afonso Dalboquerque made 
several presents to the convent of Palmela, the head 
of the military order of Santiago, and to the church of 
the same saint in Gallicia a lamp, and money to be 
invested for the supply of oil for the lamp. A similar 
gift of a lamp and provision for its oil was made by 
the viceroy on a later occasion, when he narrowly 
escaped death from a cannon ball. 

The news of the fall of Goa effected a rapid change 
in the attitude of the Indian princes towards the Portu- 

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guese. The king of Cambaya set free D. Afonso de 
Noronha, nephew of Afonso Dalboquerque, and offered 
the site for a fortress at Diu, and the preparation of a 
Turkish fleet to operate against the Portuguese was 
countermanded by the Grand Sultan of Cairo. The 
letter sent by Dalboquerque to the Hidaicão announcing 
the capture of Goa, and offering the monopoly of the 
important trade in horses, also plainly shows the rapid 
exaltation of Portuguese prestige in consequence of 
this event. Not long after this, Meliqueaye, (perhaps 
the Portuguese equivalent of Melek Yahya,) was sent 
by the Hidaicão against the island, but he and his 
numerous army were routed without much difficulty, 
and the erection of the fortress, the colonisation of the 
newly acquired territory by Hindoo families (a race to 
whom Afonso Dalboquerque, throughout his career, 
always manifested great kindness), and the consolida- 
tion of the government of the province, for province 
indeed it was, proceeded rapidly and without inter- 

The advent of the royal Hindoo Merlao (or Milrrhau, 
as he is called in the latter part of this volume) enabled 
Afonso Dalboquerque to gratify the native Hindoos 
and Nequibares, and at the same time to ingratiate 
himself with them, by conferring upon him the farmer- 
generalship of the newly acquired territory for about 
thirty thousand pounds — a considerable sum in those 
days, and a welcome addition to the revenues of 
Portugal. But these matters did not cause the Vice- 
roy to forget the other parts of his Indian jurisdiction, 
and in accordance with Royal instructions he dispatched 

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Diogo Fernandez de Beja with a fleet of three ships to 
dismantle the fortress of Socotra. 1 

The fall of the important city of Goa brought the 
Çamorin of Calicut to the feet of Afonso Dalboquerque 
for the time, and his offers of peace resulted in the 
mission of Simão Rangel, but on the arrival of that 
ambassador at the Camorim's court that prince had 
somewhat recovered from his alarm, and his artifices 
succeeded in protracting negotiations, which were not 
to be crowned with success for a long time yet to come, 

1 The island was taken possession of by the Portuguese in 
1507, but passed from the possession of Portugal to that of 
the Sultan of Keshin, a small territory on the opposite Arabian 
coast. This island is off the gulf of Aden, situated about 150 
miles N.E. from Cape Guardafum, and extends about seventy or 
eighty miles from west to east, with an average width of fifteen or 
twenty miles. It contains 1,300. square miles, consisting chiefly 
of a table land, which is between 700 or 800 feet above the level 
of the sea. North and south of the table land are two plains. 
The northern plain is not so low as the southern, nor so level, the 
surface being intersected by flat valleys in many places. The 
western districts of this plain, though less sterile than the 
southern plain, are more adapted for pastures than for culti- 
vation. The eastern districts have a superior soil, which is a 
reddish earth, covered in certain seasons with abundant grass, and 
well adapted for the cultivation of grain, fruit, and vegetables. 
In most of the northern plains water is found at a depth of from 
8 feet to 10 feet below the surface. The climate is sultry. During 
the north-east monsoon there is an almost daily fall of rain. The 
island is exposed both to the north-west and north-east monsoons, 
rendering the anchorages unsafe. There are about 5,000 inhabit- 
ants, consisting of two distinct races — namely, Arabs who have 
settled on the island, and the aboriginal inhabitants, who are 
Bedouins, wandering from one part of the island to another with 
their flocks and herds. The principal commercial products are 
aloes of the finest quality, the dragon's-blood tree, tamarinds, 

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and Afonso Dalboquerquc contented himself with a 
blockade of Calicut by a small and probably inefficient 
fleet, which was compelled by the disastrous turn of 
affairs at Goa to hasten to the relief of the besieged 
garrison there. 

Another Indian potentate, whose policy was mani- 
festly disturbed by the Portuguese successes, was the 
King of Narsinga, to whom Fray Luiz had been ac- 
credited by Afonso Dalboquerque in the previous year. 1 
This king hastened, after some tergiversation, to con- 
clude an alliance with the Portuguese commander, but 
Fray Luiz did not live to return, being murdered at 
the reported instigation of the Hidaicao. 

After putting the local government of the city and 
island of Goa into a satisfactory condition, dedicating 
the principal church to the patronage of St. Catherine, 

tobacco, and various fruits and gums, besides some cotton and 
indigo. Sheep and goats in the western districts constitute the 
principal wealth of the inhabitants ; the oxen are small. The 
civet cat and chameleon are found all over the island. Turtles 
are found on the southern coast. Fish abound on several parts 
of the coast, and many families live on the produce of their fish- 
ing. The capital is Tamarida, with only 100 inhabitants, built 
not far from the northern shores. 

As the island lies almost directly in the line of our communi- 
cation with India from the Red Sea, it has acquired additional 
importance by the construction of the Suez Canal, and this con- 
sideration has, without doubt, determined the action of the Indian 
Government, which, in 1876, entered into a treaty by which, for 
a small subsidy, the Sultan engaged never to cede Socotra to 
any foreign power, nor to allow any settlement to be made on it 
without the consent of the British Government. The Indian 
Government has lately re-occupied the island, and the British 
flag was rehoisted there not long ago. 

» See vol. n, ch. xvii. 

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on whose auspicious feast day be had gained the 
victory, appointing various officers, munitioning the 
fortress, assisting by beneficent measures the colonisa- 
tion of the lands, and re-establishing the currency, it 
was Afonso Dalboquerque's intention to have proceeded 
without delay to the Red Sea ; but two events had 
transpired which caused him to change his mind, and 
this change was productive of unexpectedly great and 
glorious achievements, which added new lustre to the 
already brilliant career of the Viceroy. 

One of these was the circumstance of the continued 
captivity of Ruy de Araújo and his companions in 
Malaca against the advice of Ninachatu (or Ninapam, 
as Corrêa calls him), the Hindoo adviser of the king of 
that country, the other the natural desire of Diogo 
Mendez de Vasconcelos, who had come from Portugal 
under special orders to effect the release of these 
prisoners, to make his way thither without delay, 
although Afonso Dalboquerque, in the exercise of his 
undoubted authority, desired to put off this under- 
taking for a more convenient opportunity, when a more 
imposing force than that which Diogo Mendez de Vas- 
concelos commanded could be mustered for the service. 
The determined intention and endeavour of Diogo 
Mendez to separate from' the fleet of his superior 
officer, in direct opposition to orders, did not succeed 
at the time, yet this act undoubtedly operated with 
some weight in influencing the subsequent movements 
of Afonso Dalboquerque, who, finding the winds adverse 
to his intended voyage to the Red Sea, reversed his 
course, and after a brief stoppage at Cochim, shaped 

vol. in. c 

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his way as straight as he could for Malaca, and brought 
up his fleet at Pedir, on the northern coast of Sumatra. 

At this port the hopes of the Portuguese were raised 
in a remarkable degree by the unexpected meeting 
with João Viegas and eight other members of the little 
band under the headship of Ruy de Araújo, that had 
escaped from their durance at Malaca. These men 
pointed out to Afonso Dalboquerque the complicity of 
the Moor Naodabegea or Naodabeguea in the plot to 
destroy Diogo Lopez de Sequeira and his retreat to 
Pace, a neighbouring port at which the Portuguese 
fleet touched, and made ineffectual efforts to get him" 
into the hands of the commander. But on the advance 
of the fleet towards the waters of Malaca the Moor 
was overtaken in a pangajaoa, and after a sharp 
encounter, in which the enemy were worsted, the 
curious spectacle of the fugitive Naodabegea, severely 
wounded and nearly dead, but without any blood flow- 
ing from his mangled body, presented itself to the 
astonished eyes of the Portuguese. This apparently 
unaccountable circumstance was explained by the find- 
ing of a bracelet made of the bones of the animal 
called cabal, a word which appears to be related some- 
what too transparently with that signifying horse in 
many European languages. The peculiar power pos- 
sessed by this bracelet of preventing the flow of blood 
from any wounds which the wearer should experience 
recalls the incident of the magic scabbard of King 
Arthur's sword, Excalibur. In the Morte â! Arthur 
we read : " ' Well/ said the damsel, ' go ye into yonder 
barge, and row yourself unto the sword, and take it 

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and the scabbard with you* So King Arthur and 

Merlin alighted, tied their horses to two trees, and so 
they went into the barge. And when they came to 
the sword that the hand held, King Arthur took it up 

by the handles, and took it with him and so came 

to the land and rode forth. King Arthur looked upon 
the sword and liked it passing well. * Whether liketh 
you better/ said Merlin, 'the sword or the scabbard?' 
' Me liketh better the sword/ said King Arthur. ' Ye 
are more unwise/ said Merlin, 'for the scabbard is 
worth ten of the sword, for while ye have the scabbard 
upon you ye shall lose no blood, be ye never so sore 
wounded, therefore keep well the scabbard always with 
you.'" This strangely gifted bracelet was sent by 
Afonso Dalboquerque to the King of Portugal, but was 
lost on the voyage, with other unwonted evidences 
of his prowess, and rare trophies of Portuguese valour 
over the unknown races of the Eastern world. 

After the incident of capturing a junk, on board of 
which was the King of Pace, who was evidently 
making the best of his way to Malaca to warn the 
king of the propinquity of the hostile Armada, Malaca 
was reached, and negotiations were immediately com- 
menced for the restitution of the Portuguese captives, 
and for satisfaction of the insult done to that nation by 
their detention ; but this only resulted in the king 
temporising with Afonso Dalboquerque while he secretly 
made extensive preparations to withstand his demands. 
At this point the author of the Commentaries breaks 
off for the moment the thread of his narrative, and 
devotes a chapter to a historical digression upon the 

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site and foundation of the kingdom and city of Malaca, 
and another chapter to a description of the customs 
and government of the city. We may here, in like 
manner for the moment so far digress, as to glance at 
the impression made by Malaca, in its present phase of 
existence, upon the learned Mr. Wallace, in his most 
interesting work on the Malay Archipelago. Writing 
in 1869 the author says : — 

" At present 1 a vessel over a hundred tons hardly ever 
enters its port, and the trade is entirely confined to a few 
petty products of the forests, and to the fruit which the 
trees planted by the old Portuguese now produce for the 
enjoyment of the inhabitants of Singapore. Although 
rather subject to fevers, it is not at present considered very 

" The population of Malacca consists of several races. 
The ubiquitous Chinese are perhaps the most numerous, 
keeping up their manners, customs, and language ; the in- 
digenous Malays are next in point of numbers, and their 
language is the Lingua-franca of the place. Next come the 
descendants of the Portuguese — a mixed, degraded, and 
degenerate race, but who still keep up the use of their 
mother-tongue, though ruefully mutilated in grammar ; and 
then there are the English rulers, and the descendants of 
the Dutch, who all speak English. The Portuguese spoken 
at Malacca is a useful philological phenomenon. The verbs 
have mostly lost their inflections, and one form does for all 
moods, tenses, numbers, and persons. Eu vai serves for ' I 
go', ' I went', or ' I will go'. Adjectives, too, have been 
deprived of their feminine and plural terminations, so that 
the language is reduced to a marvellous simplicity, and, 
with the admixture of a few Malay words, becomes rather 
puzzling to one who has heard only the pure Lusitanian. 

1 Alfred R. Wallace, Hie Malay Archipelago. Loudon, 8vo., 
1869, pp. 41, 42. 

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"In costume, these several peoples are as varied as in 
their speech. The English preserve the tight-fitting coat, 
waistcoat, and trousers, and the abominable hat and cravat; 
the Portuguese patronise a light jacket, or, more frequently, 
shirt and trousers only; the Malays wear their national 
jacket and sarong (a kind of kilt), with loose drawers ; while 
the Chinese never depart in the least from their national 
dress, which indeed it is impossible to improve for a tropi- 
cal climate, whether as regards comfort or appearance. The 
loosely-hanging trousers, and neat, white half shirt half 
jacket, are exactly what a dress should be in this low lati- 

The testimony also of the gifted author of a recent 
work upon the Straits of Malaca may be here perused 
with advantage, for its characteristic touches upon the 
state of the settlement in 1875. Mr. J. Thomson 
says : — 

" I paid a passing visit 1 to Malacca, but finding it neither 
an interesting nor a profitable field, I made but a short stay 
in the place. Malacca is a quaint, dreamy, Dutch-looking 
old town, where one may enjoy good fruit, and the fellow- 
ship and hospitality of the descendants of the early Portu- 
guese and Dutch colonists. 

"Should any warmhearted bachelor wish, he might 
furnish himself with a pretty and attractive looking wife 
from among the daughters of that sunny clime; but let him 
make no long stay there if indisposed to marry, unless he 
can defy the witchery of soft dark eyes, of raven tresses, 

1 J. Thomson, F.RG.S., The Straits of Malacca, Indo-China, 
and China. London, 1875, 8vo., pp. 52, 53. For further infor- 
mation upon Malacca and the adjacent countries and islands, the 
reader may consult with advantage the work by J. H. Moor, on 
The Indian Archipelago, Singapore, 1837, 4to. ; Newbold, British 
Settlements of Malacca, 1839 ; Crawford, Dictionary of the Indian 

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and of sylph-like forms. It is a spot where leisure seems to 
sit at every man's doorway ; drowsy as the placid sea, and 
idle as the huge palms whose broad leaves nod above the 
old weather-beaten smug-looking houses. Here Nature 
comes laden at each recurring season with ripe and luscious 
fruits, dropping them from her lap into the very streets, 
and bestrewing the bye ways with glorious bananas on which 
even the fat listless porkers in their wayside walks, will 
hardly deign to feed. It is withal a place where one might 
loiter away a life, dreamily, pleasantly, and uselessly. These 
are but passing impressions, and Malacca may yet, after all, 
develop into something in every way worthy of the straits 
which bear its name." 

In this chapter also the author of the Commentaries 
has put on record some early and interesting informa- 
tion concerning the inhabitants of Lequea, or the Loo- 
choo Islands, who are there called Gores and maintained 
considerable trade with the Malay settlements in the 
peninsula. These islands have lately become somewhat 
prominent in Asiatic politics, in consequence of the dis- 
agreement between China and Japan, produced by the 
forcible seizure of them by the latter power. 

The Politische Correspondem gives an official review 
of the dispute between China and Japan regarding the 
Loo-choo Islands, in a letter from Shanghai dated 
July 18, 1879. It says :— 

" The Japanese Government took possession with a mili- 
tary force of the Loo-Choo Islands last April, and trans- 
ported its Governor, who called himself a King, and yearly 
paid tribute both to China 1 and Japan, to Yeddo. He 

1 With respect to the relations of the Loo-Choo Empire to 
China, it is proved from Chinese historical works that even in the 
earliest times, during the reigns of the Emperors of the dynasty 

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here received the rank and income of a Japanese Prince. 
At the same time he was replaced by a Japanese Governor, 
and the whole country placed under Japanese control ; the 
paying of tribute to China was stopped, and the Chinese 
system of a calculation of time was replaced by the 
Japanese calendar. 1 All these changes were so well pre- 
pared, so quickly carried out, that they were only known 
after they had actually taken place, although at the time 
doubted. Everybody was curious to know what steps the 
Chinese would take in the matter. 

" The little Loo-Choo Empire extends between 20 and 
30 degrees of latitude, in a north-eastern direction, from 
the northern end of Formosa to the southern end of 
Japan. It is composed of over three hundred little islands, 
and divided into three large groups, called Tshung-shan, 
Shan-nan, and Shan-pei. This geographical arrangement 
is also the political arrangement, as the three groups 
form the three provinces of the Empire, which are again 
divided into thirty-five districts, and these into 378 parishes. 
The capital town, at the same time the former residence of 
the Prince, is Ewang, on the Tshung-shan. Of the number 
of the inhabitants nothing positive is known, but they are 
a peace-loving people, cultivating their land and carrying 
on cattle breeding. Their habits and dress are similar to 
those of the Chinese. They write in Chinese characters, 
but the common dialect is similar to the Japanese. Re- 
garding the real history of the people nothing at all is 

"The Loo-Choo Islands were the causes of continual 

Han, the Princes of the Loo-Choo Islands paid their tribute to 
China. In the nineteenth year of the reign of the Emperor Kanghi 
(1681), the tribute to be sent was settled as follows: — 12,600 
catties of sulphur, 3,000 muschels, and 30,000 catties of copper. 
One cattle is 1 l-31b. English. 

1 Since 1372 of the Christian calculation, the Chinese calendar 
has been in use on the Loo-Choo Islands, the years being named 
and numbered according to the Chinese Emperors. 

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quarrel between China and Japan in earlier times, tbe latter 
having repeatedly tried to annex this little island-empire. 
In the nineteenth year of the reign of the Emperor Wan-li 
(1592), a number of the inhabitants of the Loo-Choo islands 
were delegated to China to complain of Japan's attempts to 
annex the islands by force. These efforts, as well as others 
made in 1606, were frustrated. Yang-Tsung Ye, the Chinese 
Commander-in-Chief of the province Chekiang, brought 
(also in Wan-li's reign in 1613) the Prince of the Loo-Choo 
Islands, who governed then, and who had been forcibly 
carried off by the Japanese, back again into his kingdom. 

" It is not to be doubted that, although the Chinese are 
able to prove historically a certain Suzerainty over the Loo- 
choo Islands, the Japanese can also do the same ; in fact, 
both Empires have hitherto considered the Loo-Choo islands 
a state dependent on them; both the Emperors of China 
. and of Japan style themselves Suzerain of the Loo-Choo 
Islands, and it will have to be proved which of the two is 
able to prove supremacy and to keep it. 

" When the news of the seizing of the Loo-Choo islands 
by Japan reached Pekin, great surprise and dissatisfaction 
was shown among the supporters of the Government. A 
few days earlier the new Japanese Ambassador at Pekin 
had presented his credentials without taking advantage of 
the occasion to say a word. On Prince Knng and the 
Ministers of the Tsnngli-Yamen appealing to him regarding 
the action of his Government, he replied that he was, with 
regard to this question, without any instructions whatever. 
The Japanese Government, in answer to the Chinese Am- 
bassador's appeal at Yeddo, replied that they were ready to 
prove at any time their right to the Loo-Choo Islands, and 
that a giving up of them could never be thought of. Japan, 
who only would yield what she had taken by force of arms, 
to do which China has not the means, having neither money, 
an army, and, least of all, a fleet. 

"From authentic quarters it is affirmed that Prince 
Kung conferred with ex-President Grant, who visited 

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Pekin lately, on this question. Prince Kung begged his 
intervention. General Grant may have given his word to 
introduce this subject in a private conversation, but not 
officially, as the General in his retired position would un- 
doubtedly avoid even exercising a seeming influence on the 
politics of the present Government of the United States. 

"In Pekin, 1 according to the latest news, the excite- 
ment seems to be on the increase; the Ministers of the 
Tsungli-Yamên speak of war between China and Japan, but 
they at the same time make it known that they will first 
call in the intervention of the Foreign Powers, hoping thus 
to attain restitution of their original position. But whether 
such an intervention, in case of hostilities really breaking 

1 I have extracted this from the Standard, which, at the time, 
published the following remarks upon the situation of affairs : — 
" The cloud which arose six months ago between China and Japan, 
in consequence of the seizure by the latter of the Loo-choo Islands, 
has not yet cleared off. In fact, it may be said that, despite the 
hope prevailing among the European communities in the far East, 
it has grown thicker in the months that have elapsed since the 
Loo-Choo question first attracted attention. Nor does this afford 
any just. ground for surprise. For centuries the Chinese have 
exercised rights over the Prince of those Islands ; neither Japan 
nor any other Power has ever challenged them; but suddenly 
they discovered that the Mikado of Japan had taken possession of 
the islands, deposed the Ruler, and nominated a Governor of his 
own. He has since justified the seizure by asserting that the Loo- 
Choo Islands have always been tributary to the Prince of Satsuma, 
the great feudatory of Kinshin, who was finally overthrown in 
1877. The Manchu dynasty has never been remarkable for its 
indifference, nor, indeed, has any of its predecessors upon the 
Throne of Pekin, to the rights which it has acquired ; and the 
Japanese Government took this step at a moment when the 
Chinese had given signal proof not only of their determination 
not to abate one jot of their pretensions, but also of their ability 
to enforce them. It is true that months have passed since the 
tidings reached China that a Japanese garrison held Loo-Choo, 
and that a Japanese fleet was riding in the roadstead of Napa- 

VOL. in. d 

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out, would be granted is difficult to predict. Anyhow, the 
attitude of China to England in the serious difficulties 
between China and Japan some years ago regarding For- 
mosa is too fresh in people's memory not to be profitably 
used at the present time. 

"The inhabitants of the Loo-Choo Islands are said to 
have sent a deputation to Pekin to beg her direct help in 
their favour. The Japanese consuls in the Chinese ports 
have received orders by telegraph to seize the members of 
the deputations on their appearing and send them back 
to Japan. A Japanese corvette is now at Shanghai, and 
two other Japanese men-of-war are cruising about in Chinese 
waters. In case of this news being true, the deputation 

kiang without beholding a Chinese fleet and army being despatched 
to reassert the Imperial authority. But it is not in accordance 
with Chinese habits to be precipitate, even if the supposed effici- 
ency of the Japanese fleet were not an additional incentive to 
caution. The latest official announcement is one fully in conso- 
nance with the train of thought of the official Chinese mind. A 
despatch has been sent to the Mikado informing him that, unless 
the Japanese forces are withdrawn, and Loo-Choo restored to its 
old state of semi-independence and doable vassalage to China and 
Japan, within the space of three months, he must take the con- 
sequences. The Japanese are anxious to have the matter sub- 
mitted to either a mixed Commission or to an arbitrator, knowing 
well that Europeans, and Englishmen in particular, have little 
sympathy with the claims China possesses, and periodically ad- 
vances, over most of the States of Eastern Asia. The Tokio 
authorities perceive that, in the eyes of most foreigners, China's 
grievance with regard to Loo-Choo is sentimental, for the Pekin 
Government does not demand the surrender of the islands. Far 
from that, it wishes to ensure their autonomy, only demanding 
the perpetuation of the nominal tie and of the fluctuating tribute 
which have constituted Loo-Choo in its eyes a portion of the 
Celestial Empire. There are deeper motives behind, and under- 
neath all this talk about the past there is a very clear per- 
ception of the fact that the Loo-Choo question is one of practical 
importance. " 

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may have succeeded in landing on some place on the coast, 
and making their way to Pekin, 1 where, however, they have 
not yet arrived. Leaving aside the question of the right of 
possession, it is not to be denied that the Japanese have 
shown great skill and energy in carrying out their purpose, 
and an exact knowledge of Chinese affairs. China will be 

1 " At Pekin it is evident that the Japanese occupation of the 
Islands constitutes a grave danger to China. An insult of such 
a venial character to the Imperial dignity might be tolerated; 
but a menace to the nation must be grappled with, so that it shall 
not develope into an actual peril. It is on this point that some- 
thing may, with advantage, be said at the present time, when 
various circumstances are calculated to put the Japanese view so 
prominently forward that the Chinese claims may be lost sight of. 
The gist of the difference lies in the question, why is the Japanese 
occupation of Loo-Choo dangerous to the peace of China. Be- 
tween China and Japan there has been for centuries a rivalry, not 
very dissimilar to that which existed for a long time between 
France and England. The introduction of Western ideas, arts, 
and manufactures into the two countries, far from allaying the 
keenness of the rivalry, had rather the effect of embittering it. 
The very eagerness shown by the Japanese to acquire gunboats 
and improved weapons was a grievance in the eyes of the con- 
servative Chinese, for they felt that their neighbours would test 
their naval and military efficiency either upon them or against 
some of their outlying possessions. The example set by the 
Japanese proved contagious, however, and there is good reason for 
believing that the Celestials have now, mainly through the energy 
of the Viceroy Li-Hung-Chang, caught up with their progressive 
neighbour, so far as the purchase of men of war, rules, and im- 
proved artillery can be said to constitute progress. For military 
purposes the two States may be admitted to be much on an 
equality, provided the numerous responsibilities of the Pekin 
Government do not detract from its vigour at the critical moment. 
At the same time, the advantage of position undoubtedly lies with 
Japan, and this would enable her fleet to prosecute an offensive 
war on the exposed seaboard of China with very considerable 
effect. The occupation of Loo-Choo further improves that posi- 

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quite as incapable of taking the islands from Japan as she 
was in preventing her from seizing them. Even Japan 
may j after these first successful efforts, at no very distant 
time take steps to occupy Formosa, where new sources of 
wealth, exhausted in her own country, are to be found in 
rich abundance." 

tion, for the excellent harbour of Napakiang in its sheltered bay 
provides the Mikado's fleet with a station on the flank of the 
Eastern and Yellow Seas, within two days' steaming of the coasts 
of Fuhkien and Chekiang. But it has further advantages which 
have not been mentioned, and prominent among them must be 
held to be that the possession of the Loo-Choo Islands carries 
with it that of the little-known Madjicosemah group. This latter 
lies off the east coast of Formosa, and has enjoyed in the eyes of 
the neighbouring countries a semi-sacred reputation, not widely 
different to that held by the Hespérides in the mythology of 
ancient Greece. The two largest of the group are Pachuran and 
Typinsan ; and the coast of Formosa is less than one hundred and 
fifty miles distant from the former. It thus appears that the 
apparently harmless act of the Japanese in deposing the king of 
Loo-Choo has resulted in their acquisition of two groups of islands, 
representing a tract of territory as large as England and Wales, 
and having a commanding position in waters which have always 
been considered to be Chinese. A glance at the map will suffice 
to show that the Mikado has now obtained possession of two ad- 
mirable halting-places on the road to Formosa and the China 
coast. By the acquisition of Napakiang he has supplemented the 
value of his own western harbours, and there is no reason for 
supposing that Pachusan does not contain convenient bays and 
safe roadsteads. These facts should show that the Loo-Choo 
question is one not of sentiment alone to the Chinese, but of 
serious practical import. Unfamiliar as the names of these places 
may be to us they are well known in the history of China, and 
the Pekin rulers are aware that as they have in past times exer- 
cised considerable influence on the result of wars between China 
and Japan, it is quite probable that they would do so again in 
any future struggle. 

" The hostile policy which Japan has always pursued towards 

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Negotiations with the King of Malaca having failed, 
Afonso Dalboquerque made extensive preparations for 
resorting to force, and, as a preliminary step, attracted 
to his side a merchant fleet of five Chinese junks, having 
a force on board which the King of Malaca was about 

China, her intrigues in Corea, and expeditions to Formosa, have 
kept the vigilance of the Celestials constantly on the alert. Li- 
Hung-Chang now beholds the Mikado, strong in his new freedom 
and liberated from the dread of his arrogant Daimios, stretching 
out his hand to the north and to the south for the purpose of 
extending his influence and curtailing that of China. Within the 
last few months Japan has committed two acts which will further 
incense her rival. The one is the occupation of the Loo-Choo 
and Madjicosemah Islands, which brings her close to Formosa, the 
Chinese Ireland, and the other is the signature of a Treaty with 
the King of Corea, which gives Japanese subjects special privi- 
leges in that country. The Mikado has thus not restricted his 
aggressive policy to the sea. His alliance with the ruler of the 
peninsula of Corea gives him a foothold on the mainland, which 
acquires special significance from the remembrance of the siege 
of Nankin and triumphs on the Yangtse by the Japanese in the 
sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. These considerations, and 
others of a similar kind, make it very improbable that the Chinese 
will acquiesce in the most recent achievement brought about by 
the aggressive policy of Japan. To them it will appear to be a 
bad policy to show weakness with regard to Loo-Choo. The 
Japanese are the aggressors. They have no sufficient excuse for 
their seizure of this group, and they have for years followed a 
systematic policy which would, if China continued as indifferent 
as she is now counselled by some of her friends to remain, lead 
to the loss of every island she possesses beyond the immediate 
vicinity of her shores. If Sir Thomas Wade, or some other 
leading authority on the spot, cannot induce the Japanese to 
withdraw, the Chinese will, beyond all question, take the matter 
into their own hands, and at the fitting moment endeavour to 
expel the Japanese from the islands which they have seized." 
— lb. 

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to employ in military operations against the King of 
Daru or Aru, 1 a state on the coast of Sumatra, nearly 
opposite the port of Malaca, with which he was at 

On the feast day of St. James the Greater the storm- 
ing of the bridge or pier was made, under circum- 
stances narrated in the text, and a great part of the 
city fired. These operations, although they did not 
result immediately in the fall of the city, severely 
harrassed the enemy, and crippled his resources. The 
author of Malaca Conquistada records the subsequent 
attack upon and destruction of the city by fire in these 

" Em tanto das janellas, e terrados, 
Que para aquella parte respondião, 
Mil frechas, mil pelouros desmandados 
Sobre a gente Christã mortes chovião : 
Mas, chamando Albuquerque aos esforçados 
Lima e Caldeira, áquelles que região, 
Lhes mandou que de fogo as mãos armassem, 
E que as vizinhas casas abrazassem. 

" Manda também o Malavar valente 
Que com os seus adustos tiradores 
Impida o assomarse a imiga gente 
As partes, que lhe ficão superiores. 
Da empreza o forte bárbaro contente 
Os seus incita a bellicos furores : 
Mil, e mil frechas logo os ares calão, 
Troços de breados cabos fogo exhalão. 

1 The initial " D" here, as in Dupe lower down, is plainly only 
the Portuguese preposition de in combination. The place appears 
as Daru in the Portolano of Fernão Vaz Dourado, and as Aru in 
the map given by the Dutch translator of João de Barros. 

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" Dâo ao mandato effeito : pega o fogo 
Na disposta materia : com tremenda 
Faria vibrantes pontas sobem logo 
Aos ares, e de fumo nuvem horrenda : 
Grita a mísera gente ; porém rogo 
Não admitte a voraz chamma, contenda 
Com as nuvens horrisona travando, 
As esferas mais altas ameaçando. 

" Eolo neste ponto desatava 
Da formosa Orithia o bravo amante, 
Com que o incêndio cruel mais se esforçava, 
Com horrível estrondo crepitante. 
Contra o fogo remédios mil buscava 
A Pagã gente, mas nenhum bastante, 
Que c'o vento de casa em casa prende, 
E, consumindo aqui, já lá se accende. 

" Edifício, em grandeza, e valor raro, 
Sobre secretas rodas se movia, 
Finge a matéria o mármore de Paro 
Illustre c'o metal, que Arabia cria. 
Nelle, se lhe não fora o fado avaro, 
Da Infante as bodas celebrar queria 
O Rei, e com alegre variedade 
Carro triunfante dar vista á cidade. 

" k nupcial casa, de delicias chêa, 
Também se atreve o vingativo lume, 
E na materia rica assi se atêa, 
Que em leve fumo, e cinza em fim a resume : 
Delia a mesquita, onde com torpe e íea 
Adoração, e bárbaro costume, 
Ao vil Mafoma honrava a gente cega, 
A flamma ardente em consumir se emprega. 

" Á mesquita esquadrão confuso acode, 
E procura atalhar o fogo. Em tanto 
Vendo o prudente Affonso que não pode 
Cansada a gente com trabalho tanto ; 

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Porque o intento ao possível se aocommode; 
Em quanto o incêndio dura, e creoe o pranto, 
 artilharia embarcar manda ganhada, 
E a que em terra ficou deixa encravada. 

" O esquadrão militar logo começa 
A ir, e vir, despojos embarcando, 
Como no estio com fervente pressa 
Multidão de formigas, saqueando 
De trigo as eiras, montes atravessa 
Por entre ervas, e espinhos, sustentando 
Na boca o grão pezado, até encerrallo, 
E na estreita caverna enthesourallo. 

" Às barbaras catervas offend idas, 
Quando tanto despojo embarcar virão ; 
A dar e recebir novas feridas 
Bramando vingativos acodirão. 
Torna de novo a morte a troncar vidas : 
Aqui appellidão Marte, alli suspirão ; 
Em fim effeitos crus de dura guerra 
No mar ostentão, porém mais na terra. 

" Rios correm do sangue derramado ; 
Que, nas ondas entrando, em sanguinosa 
Mudão a cor cerúlea : de ira armado 
Se vè o mesmo furor, vista espantosa ! 
Mas já fim dava ao dia o Sol dourado 
Do grande Oceano visitando a esposa : 
Torna-se ás naus a baptizada gente ; 
A Agarena o elemento apaga ardente." 

Liv. ix, st. 134-143. 

The Javanese headman, Utemutaraja, who adminis- 
tered the suburban district of Upe or Dupe, 1 made 
overtures of service, and for the time, but not without 
showing suspicions, which were afterwards verified, 

1 See p. xxii. 

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Afonso Dalboquerque accepted his services. In the 
end, probably out of political necessity quite as much 
as proved guilt, this prince was convicted of treachery, 
and executed with his son and son-in-law, as an 
effectual means of restoring quiet in, and manifesting 
the Portuguese power over, the city. The Chinese, 
who had come for trading purposes in their junks, 
seized this opportunity of renewing their request for 
permission to depart on the prosecution of their voyage 
to Siam, and the Portuguese commander gladly availed 
himself of the occasion to send Duarte Fernandez as 
ambassador to Siam in their company. 

After a characteristic speech, setting forth the Im- 
perial policy of the Portuguese king, Afonso Dalbo- 
querque again pushed forward in full strength, as- 
saulted the bridge, and made good his position upon 
it. From that hour the fate of Malaca was sealed, 
and soon fell an easy prey into the hands of the 
commander, who thus captured in a city extending 
three miles along the shore, and of great depth inland, 
an incredible amount of plunder and three thousand 
pieces of artillery, and added to Portugal a territory 
considerably larger than the mother kingdom. But 
the King of Malaca, although in full flight, was yet in 
hopes of rescuing his patrimony from the foreign in- 
vader, and dispatched his own uncle, Tuáo Nacem 
Mudaliar, to the King of China, an empire at that 
period in close alliance with the Malay king, to beg 
for assistance. Tuão Nacem made his way to Canton, 
and from that port was conveyed, according to custom, 
to Pekin ; but the King of China, who had heard 

YOU in. t 

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of the friendly treatment accorded by Afonso Dalbo- 
querque (for this very political object) to the Chinese 
merchants at MaJaca, was unwilling to act, and Tuâo 
Nacem Mudaliar, partly out of chagrin for the failure 
of his mission, and partly dispirited at the untimely 
death of his wife, did not live to convey the news of 
his repulse by the Chinese court to his royal nephew, 
but died on the return journey at Yang-chow-fu or 
Yang-cheu-fu, near Nanking. 1 

A manuscript Report, in which is embodied a suc- 
cinct historical relation of the principal European em- 
bassies to China, now preserved among the Wellesley 
papers in the MS. department of the British Museum, 
very justly attributes to Afonso Dalboquerque the 
design of establishing friendly relations with the 
Chinese empire. This design was probably suggested 
to him in the first place by the iutercourse he had with 
the Chinese merchant junks in the port of Malaca at 
the time of the siege. The following passage describes 
briefly the first dealings of Portugal and China : — 

"Alphonso Albuquerque (from whose wise administra- 
tion, while Viceroy in the East Indies, Portugal derived 
such advantages) formed the design of opening a communi- 
cation with China, though he did not live to see it at- 
tempted. Iu consequence of intelligence sent by him to 
the Court of Portugal, a squadron sailed from Lisbon, in 
1518, to convoy an Ambassador to China. The Abbé 
Raynal's account of this Embassy is as follows : — 

1 Yang-cheu-fu, in Kiang-su, 32 deg. 26.32 min. N., 117 deg. 
4.13 min. K, was, in 1277, under the Mongols, a /«, or chief town 
of a district. Marco Polo is said to have been governor of this 
town for three years. He cites it under the name of Yanju. But 
see Col. Yule's Marco Polo, ii, 138, etc. 

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" As soon as the squadron arrived at the islands in the 
neighbourhood of Canton, it was surrounded by Chinese 
vessels, who came to reconnoitre it. Ferdinand And rada, 
who commanded it, did not put himself in any posture of 
defence, he suffered the Chinese to come on board, commu- 
nicated the object of his voyage to the Mandarins that 
presided at Canton, and sent his ambassador on shore, who 
was conducted to Pekin. 

" Whatever may have been the state of China when the 
Portuguese landed there, as they had no other object in 
view than to draw riches from thence and to propagate 
their religion, had they found the best kind of government 
established in this country, they would not have profited by 
it. Thomas Perez, their Ambassador, found the Court of 
Pekin disposed to favour his nation, the fame of which had 
spread itself throughout Asia. It had already attracted the 
esteem of the Chinese, which the conduct of Ferdinand 
Andrada, who commanded the Portuguese squadron, tended 
still further to increase. He visited all the coasts of China, 
and traded with the natives. When he was on the point of 
departure, he issued a proclamation in the ports he had 
put into, that if any one had been injured by a Portuguese, 
and would make it known, he should recover satisfaction. 
The ports of China were now upon the point of being 
opened to them. Thomas Perez was just about concluding 
a Treaty, when Simon Andrada, brother to Ferdinand, ap- 
peared on the coast with a fresh squadron. This commander 
treated the Chinese in the same manner as the Portuguese 
had for some time treated all the people of Asia. He built 
a fort, without permission, on the island of Taman, from 
whence he took opportunities of pillaging and extorting 
money from all the ships bound from or to the ports of 
China. Ho carried off young girls from the coast, ho 
seized upon the Chinese, and made slaves of them ; he gave 
himself up to the most licentious acts of piracy, and the 
most shameful dissoluteness. The sailors and soldiers under 
his command followed his example. The Chinese, enraged 

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at these outrages, fitted out a large fleet ; the Portuguese 
defended themselves courageously, and escaped by making 
their way through the enemy's fleet. The Emperor im- 
prisoned Thomas Perez, who died in confinement, and the 
Portuguese nation was banished from China for some years. 
After this the Chinese relaxed, and gave permission to the 
Portuguese to trade at the port of Sancian, to which place 
they brought gold from Africa, spices from the Molucca 
Islandp, aud from Ceylon elephants' teeth, and some pre- 
cious stones. In return they took silks of every kind, 
china, gums, medicinal herbs, and tea, which has since 
become so necessary a commodity to the northern nations 
of Europe. 

u The Portuguese contented themselves with the huts and 
factories they had at Sancian, and the liberty granted to 
their trade by the Chinese Government, till an opportunity 
offered of establishing themselves upon a footing more 
solid and less dependant upon the Mandarins, who had the 
command of the coast. 

"A pirate named Tchang-si-lao, whose successes had 
made him powerful, had seized upon the Island of Macao, 
from whence he blocked up the ports of China, and even 
proceeded so far as to lay siege to Canton. The neigh- 
bouring Mandarins had recourse to the Portuguese, who 
had ships in the harbour of Sancian ; they hastened to the 
relief of Canton, raised the siege, and obtained a complete 
victory over the pirate, whom they pursued as far as Macao, 
where he slew himself. 

"The Emperor of China, informed of the service the 
Portuguese had rendered him on this occasion, bestowed 
Macao upon them, as a mark of his gratitude. They re- 
ceived this grant with joy, and built a town which became 
very flourishing, and was advantageously situated for the 
trade they soon after entered into with Japan. 

"The author of Uldée OénéraU de la Chine, published 
at Paris in 1780, adds to his account of this transaction 
(which agrees with the above) that the behaviour of the 

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Portuguese ambassador confirmed the Chinese in their aver- 
sion to foreigners, 1 against whom they had always shot 
their empire. And speaking of the Emperor's edict per- 
mitting the Portuguese to settle at Macao, he says, ' but 
the restrictions with which the Chinese accompanied this 
favour, and the manner of forming the settlement, as well 
as the shackles imposed on the liberty of the Portuguese, 
give to Macao rather the appearance of a place besieged 
than of a free commercial city V* 

The Viceroy of Canton has just lately expressed 
himself in cordial terms towards the Portuguese 
nation, and expressed the necessity of drawing still 
closer the relations between China and Portugal, 
which was the first of the European nations to possess 
commercial establishments in China. 

The construction of a powerful, in fact to the Malays 
an impregnable fortress in the heart of their capital 
was a natural consequence of the Portuguese victory. 
The bird's-eye view of this fortress, which has been re- 
produced for this volume from Correa's invaluable 
Lendas da India, and the plan of the same, also repro- 
duced for this volume from the equally precious manu- 
script of Pedro Barretto de Resende's Livro do Estado 
da India Oriental (by kind permission of the trustees 
of the British Museum), show sufficiently the imposing 
nature of this stronghold. Next in importance to the 

1 This author adds in a note — " Ammian Marcellin qui écrivoit 
dans le quatrième siècle de notre ère, parle de cet éloignement 
des Chinois pour les ét rangers." 

2 Add. MS., 13,875, fo. 24 : " Report of Embassies to China, 
presented to the British Museum by the Representatives of the 
Marquess Wellesley." 

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fortress were reconstructive measures of the victors, as 
for example the rearrangement of the currency upon a 
more scientific basis, and the repression of sedition with 
that iron hand, for which some historians and biogra- 
phers have been so unnecessarily severe upon Afonso 
Dalboquerque. Before we condemn this prominent 
trait in the character of the Portuguese commander 
we must take into consideration the somewhat un- 
gentle spirit of the age in which he lived, the brutali- 
ties practised by Asiatics upon such unfortunate 
Europeans as fell into their hands, and the absolute 
necessity that a comparatively small band of men were 
under to repress unsparingly any and every measure 
likely to injure their tenure of a territory so far from 
the natural basis of their operations. Viewed in this 
light, the execution of Utemutaraja, and the carry- 
ing out of the sentence passed upon Ruy Diaz, were 
measures calculated to procure the security of the 
whole body, rather than instances of supreme gratifica- 
tion of personal antipathy towards the sufferers. 

The incidents of the dispatch of Duarte Fernandez 
to the court of Siam with specific instructions — an 
event which helped greatly to elevate the position of 
Portuguese politics in the east of Asia — the subsequent 
mission of Antonio de Miranda de Azevedo to the 
same country, the interchange of presents and friendly 
compliments, similar courtesies exchanged with the 
kings of Campar and Java, and the sending forth of a 
party to explore the Moluccas, then known as the 
Clove Islands or Mace-apple (i.e., nutmeg) Islands, 
combine to elevate in a considerable degree the career 


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of Afonso Dalboquerque from that of a vulgar free- 
booter or licensed adventurer (as some will have him 
to be) to that of an earnest and scientific pioneer, 
anxious that his nation, his own followers, and himself 
also should — 

"aiiv apiareveiv xal efo;£Oi> efifievat aXXwv." 

After detailing the arrangement made by Afonso 
Dalboquerque for the government of the newly-con- 
quered territory, the author of the Commentaries in- 
troduces an interesting Oration, delivered by the 
illustrious Roman orator, Camillo Portio, before Pope 
Leo X. This oration, although it introduces notices 
of some events beyond the scope of the Commentaries, 
is of value, as showing the way in which the Papal 
court, and probably all Christendom, viewed with 
admiration and emulation the marvellously rapid suc- 
cesses which had fallen to the arms of Portugal in her 
dealing with the infidel nations of the East. 

The remaining portion of the present volume reverts 
to India and Goa, and the events which had transpired 
during the absence of Afonso Dalboquerque in the 
Malay expedition. Milrrhau or Merlao, the duly ap- 
pointed Governor of Goa, was conducting the affairs 
of the city peaceably, when Pulatecão, in command of 
a force mustered by the Hidalcão, came down from 
the inland territory of that prince, and took up a strong 
position in Benastarim, or Benestarij, 1 a fortress on 

1 The variation in the orthography of this fortress is interesting, 
and shows the peculiar proclivity of the Portuguese language for 
a nasal sound at the termination of words. Many of the names of 
persons and place3 which occur in the text of the Commentaries, 

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the mainland due west of the Island of Goa ; but in so 
disposing his forces he appears to have exceeded the 
instructions which he had received from the Hidalcão. 
This prince therefore appointed Roçalcão, called by 
some historians Rasul Khan, to supersede Pulatecão 
(or Fulad Khan), and by means of the Portuguese 
under Diogo Mendez de Vasconcelos (who had been 
liberated by the people to succeed Rodrigo Rabelo as 
Captain of Goa, when that officer fell in a skirmish with 
the Turks, in preference to Francisco Pantoja, to whom 
the succession rightly belonged), Roçalcão got possession 
of the fortress of Benestarim, and immediately discon- 
certed the little garrison of Goa, by making a formal 
demand for the surrender of the city. 

While these events were transpiring, Afonso Dalbo- 
querque had set sail from Malaca in the Flor de la 
Mar, but suffered shipwreck off the dangerous coast of 
Sumatra, and only reached Cochim with great difficulty 
some time in the month of January 1512. This 
disaster was felt all the more keenly by the Viceroy 
because he afterwards learned that had he visited the 
Maldive Islands, 1 according to his original intentions 
during this voyage, he would have fallen in with 
Mafamede Maçari, the merchant of Cairo — an enemy 
with whom he was particularly anxious to measure 

terminate in -ij, and it is probable that they were all pronounced 
with a nasal sound at the end of the word. Hence we find Pan- 
gim or Pangij, and Augim or Augij ; just as in the ordinary lan- 
guage, assi, perú 9 mui, and other words have a nasal, not written, 
but always pronounced at the end. 

1 Pedro Barretto de Resende gives a plan of the Portuguese 
fortress on one of these islands. 

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bis strength. This man was the chief upholder of the 
policy of bringing over the Rumes to assist the Çamo- 
rim in driving the Portuguese out of Malabar. He 
however feared that Afonso Dalboquerque would get 
him into his power, so he fled from Calicut (when the 
break in the blockade happened by the recall of Manuel 
de Lacerda to the assistance of Goa against Pulatecão) 
towards the Straits, but was caught in a storm and 
wrecked at the Cape of Guardafum, and thence made his 
way, carrying with him Simão Rangel (who had been 
captured on his voyage from Cochim to Goa) into 
slavery to Candaluz, in the Maldives, where he imagined 
himself safe, and out of the possibility of capture by the 
Portuguese cruisers, who had hitherto kept to more 
northerly latitudes. 

The welcome arrival of the fleet with the great 
commander on board gave the signal for heartfelt 
rejoicing throughout the Portuguese settlements of 
India, and from January to August 1512, Afonso Dal- 
boquerque busied himself with the expedition of ne- 
cessary business which had no doubt accumulated in 
his absence during the past year. But fate had not 
ceased to "weave the crimson web of war" for Afonso 
Dalboquerque; the relief of Goa was the uppermost 
feeling in his heart, and he hailed with the greatest 
satisfaction and delight the arrival of two annual fleets 
sent out from the mother kingdom in 1511 and 1512 
respectively, for the reinforcement of the Indian colo- 
nies. These fleets, the one commanded by Dom Garcia, 
or Gracia, de Noronha, his nephew ; the other by Jorge 
de Mello Pereira and Gracia de Sousa, added no less 

VOL. III. / 

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than seventeen ships of war, with their men and stores, 
to the sadly diminished number of serviceable vessels 
and fighting men at the disposal of the Viceroy. But 
the joy he experienced at receiving these welcome re- 
inforcements was quickly dispelled by the orders sent 
out to him from the king of Portugal for discussing 
the question of retaining or abandoning the possession 
of Goa. 

Afonso Dalboquerque very prudently abstained 
from mentioning this matter until he had re-established 
the liberty of the city by the operations which led to 
the recovery of the dominating fortress of Benastarim, 
for he doubtless felt that had he divulged the king's 
orders to his captains and officers before they had 
driven the Turks into the interior, the movements in 
aid of the besieged city and island would have been 
carried out without heartiness and spirit, or perhaps 
even neglected and refused. But when the fortress had 
yielded to the Portuguese, the spirits of the populace 
raised by the dispersion of the enemy, and the martial 
feelings of the army elated by the easy victory, then 
it was that the commander felt that a fitting oppor- 
tunity at length had arrived when, although he could 
no longer with propriety withhold the contents of the 
Eoyal dispatch, the general consensus of opinion would 
lean towards that course which he so ardently desired 
to carry out. 

The surrender of Benastarim was accomplished with 
practically little trouble, for Roçalcâo seems to have 
been, after all, but half-hearted in the task of its de- 
fence. He appears, however, to have tried as far as 

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he could to shield the Portuguese renegade deserters 
from a fate which he probably knew only too well 
would overtake them if they fell into the power of 
their irate master ; but the excuse which he made, that 
it was contrary to the law of his country and the princi- 
ples of his religion 1 to give them up, availed nothing 
with Afonso Dalboquerque, whose ferocity (parti- 
cularly if all that Castanheda and Corrêa state be 
true) towards the ill-fated wretches can hardly be 
paralleled with any other relation out of the whole 
range of history. 

The settlement of Fernão Lopez, the ringleader of 
these renegades, upon the uninhabited Island of Saint 
Helena, is of great interest to the political geographer. 
Corrêa, whose phrases seem to indicate that he com- 
miserated the unfortunate man, says of him : " Fernão 
Lopez 8 managed to get on board a Portuguese vessel 
homeward bound, for he had left his wife and children 
in Lisbon, but the ship stopped at the Island of St. 
Helena to take in water, and there this Fernão Lopez 
remained in hiding, and when he was found missing 
out of the ship the crew set out and searched for him, 
but they could not find him, so they left him a barrel 
of biscuit and some pieces of hung beef, and dried 
fish, and salt, and a fire and some old clothes, which 

1 See MS., Sloan. 1820, a closely written folio work, seventeenth 
or eighteenth century, in Portuguese, apparently unpublished, 
entitled "A Seita dos índios Orientais, e principalmente dos Mala- 
bares", in eight books, treating of the history and mythology of the 
religious sects, manners, and customs, of the people inhabiting 

* See the extract on pp. 2-40-242 for the Portuguese text 

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each one contributed ; and when the vessel set sail, 
they left a letter for him, that in case of any ship 
putting in there he was to make signs to show whether 
he were alive or dead, and shew himself in order that 
they might supply him with whatever he required. 
Then the vessel set sail, and Fernão Lopez, seeing the 
ship had left, went out of the wood and took posses- 
sion of the things which he found left for him, and 
kept up the fire so that it should not go out, and set 
to work to find stones which he beat one against 
another, and he saw that they struck fire and he kept 
them. Thus, with the four fingers of his left hand, 
and with the stump of his right hand which had been 
cut off, as God helped him in his great mercy, he dug a 
hollow in a bank wherein he made a small grotto, and 
enlarged it within, where he lived in retreat and 
used to sleep, and he filled up the mouth of the grotto 
with prickly bushes. He found tender herbs which 
were savoury to eat, and he boiled them with salt in 
two saucepans which they had left for him. And 
while he was living in this way during the next year a 
ship touched at the island, and when he saw the ship 
he hid himself. 

" The crew of the ship, going on shore, when they 
saw the grotto and a straw bed whereon he slept, and 
the bags, and the staves of the barrel which had been 
left with biscuit for him, and the saucepans, and coals 
for the fire, were amazed, for they thought that some 
negroes were living there in hiding from another ship, 
but when they beheld the clothing they agreed that it 
was a Portuguese man. So they took in their water, 

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and did not meddle with anything, but, on the con- 
trary, left him biscuits, and cheeses, and things to eat, 
and a letter bidding him not to hide himself, but when 
any ship should touch there he should speak with it, 
for no one would harm him. And the ship "set sail, 
and, in spreading her sails, there fell overboard a cock, 
which the waves carried to the shore, and Fernão 
Lopez caught it and fed it upon some rice which they 
had left behind for him, so that the cock became on 
such loving terms with him that it followed him 
wherever he went, and at night it roosted with him in 
the hole. This cock remained with this man for many 
years, it would come at his call, for, as time went on, 
this man used to show himself and converse with the 
people of the ships which passed by, and all gave him 
things to plant and to sow, so that he cultivated a 
great many gourds, pomegranates, and palm trees, and 
kept ducks, hens, sows, and she-goats with young, all 
of which increased largely, and all became wild in the 

" This man lived for many years alone in this island, 
leading this remarkable life, and when it was related 
to the king he was very desirous of seeing him, for 
they said that he was like a wild man ; therefore, the 
king sent word to beg him of his own accord to come 
to Portugal. This he did, and he went and secretly 
disembarked in the house of the captain of the ship, 
and thence went by night to converse with the king 
and the queen, who gave him a hermitage and houses 
of friars wherein he might remain; but he would 
accept nought of this, but obtained permission of the 

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king and went to Rome, and confessed himself to the 
Pope, who was pleased to see him, and gave him 
letters to the king that he would send him back again 
to the island. This likewise the king performed. This 
man stayed on this island for upwards of ten years 
without any one ever seeing him, for he used to hide 

" In this island there lived a fugitive Javanese youth, 
who also stayed with him many years. This youth 
was the one who revealed him to a ship which touched 
there. For the captain, Pero Gomez Teixeira, who 
had been Auditor-General in India, threatened the 
black man so much that he went and pointed out the 
place where Fernão Lopez was hidden. And when he 
found that he was taken he made loud outcries, think- 
ing that they were going to take him on board. But 
Pero Gomez consoled him, and talked for a long time 
with him, and assured him that he would not carry 
him away, and gave him many things, although he 
did not care for them, but very earnestly besought 
him to take the youth with him in the ship. Pero 
Gomez, therefore, took him on receiving a promise 
from Fernão Lopez that he would not hide himself 
from the crews. And when this had been agreed to, 
Pero Gomez left with him a paper, signed and sealed, 
wherein he desired all captains who might touch there 
of their kindness not to use any force in desiring to 
carry him to Portugal against his will, for it was 
from fear of this that Fernão Lopez used in by-gone 
times to hide himself. Therefore, he gave him a safe- 
guard in the king's name, and swore to it, that no one 

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should carry him away from the island against his 
will. And then Fernão Lopez felt assured, so that he 
used no longer to hide himself, and spoke with all 
comers, and gave them of the produce of the island, 
which yielded in great abundance. And in the island 
he died, after living there for a long time, which was 
in the year 1546." 

The blockade of Calicut, which was commenced 
anew by D. Garcia de Noronha ; the mission of Diogo 
Fernandez, Adail of Goa, with the returning ambas- 
sador of the Hidalcão, to arrange the terms of peace ; 
the dispatch of the Cambayan ambassador, in whose 
company Tristão Déga went to demand leave to erect a 
fortress in Diu; the dispatch of a messenger from 
Miliquiaz of Dili ; the mission of Gaspar Chanoca to 
Narsinga; the reception of an ambassador with pre- 
sents from the king of Vengapor, an inland territory 
bordering on the kingdom of the Zabaim ; an interview 
of a fruitless nature with Roçalcão ; and other similar 
business, naturally occupied Afonso Dalboquerque for 
some time after his return to Goa. But an event oc- 
curred about this period to which he devoted consider- 
able interest, and attached great importance. This 
was the arrival of an envoy, named Mateus or Mat- 
thew, the brother of the Patriarch of Abyssinia, from 
the little known and mysterious kingdom of Prester 
John, with a present of a piece of the Wood of the 
True Cross from the Warden of the Franciscan Friars 
of Mount Sion, Jerusalem, to the king of Portugal, 
and an offer of alliance by marriage of the children 

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of the Prester John with the Royal Princes of the 

Afonso Dalboquerque forwarded this ambassador 
and his sacred present with great éclat to the king of 
Portugal, but in the eyes of many of the Portuguese 
Mateus was looked upon as an impostor whom the 
Viceroy favoured for his own glorification. The king 
treated him with honour, and sent him back in 1520 
with D. Rodrigo de Lima, a Portuguese ambassador, 
but Mateus died on the way at Bisam, 1 on the 23rd of 
May, 1520, and D. Rodrigo prosecuted his journey, a 
relation of which, 2 by Father Francisco Alvarez, trans- 
lated from the Portuguese and edited by the accom- 
plished Portuguese scholar Lord Stanley of Alderley, 
is now being published by the Hakluyt Society. Stu- 
dents of Portuguese history, who are already under a 
debt of gratitude to the noble translator of Vasco da 

1 According to the work mentioned in the next note ; but from 
the Commentaries, p. 254, he appears to have died at Maçua, or 
Massowah, an important city on the African side of the Red Sea ; 

" e as melhores 

Povoações que a parte Africa tern, 

Maçua sao, Arquico, e Suanquem." — Cam. Lus., x, 97. 

Mateus, the ambassador, appears to have been of an irritable dis- 
position, and this was perhaps the cause of the dislike shewn to 
him by the Portuguese with whom he came into contact. 

2 The title of this rare book, a fine specimen of early Portuguese 
typography, is : " Ho Preste Joam das índias. Verdadera infor- 
maçam das terras do Preste Joam, segundo vio e escreveo ho 
padre Francisco Aluarez Capellã del Rey nosso senhor. Agora 
nouamête impresso por mandado do dito senhor em casa de Luis 
Rodriguez liureiro de sua alteza." The colophon states that the 
book was printed in 1540. 

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Gama from Correa's Lendas da India, will look for- 
ward to the appearance of this narrative of the Por- 
tuguese embassy to Abyssinia in 1520 with the greatest 

After making disposition for the projected fortress 
in Calicut, if the Çamorim should really grant the site 
— a fact which Afonso Dalboquerque seems to have 
despaired of at last — an assembly of the principal 
Portuguese personages was held, and the King's articles 
read. The debate which ensued resulted in the deter- 
mination to hold Goa at all hazard ; and the letter 
which Afonso Dalboquerque addressed to the King, a 
characteristic specimen of the fearlessness of the great 
commander, 1 concludes this volume. 

The portrait of Dom Vasco da Gama, which is placed 
as a frontispiece to this volume, and that of Diogo 
Lopez de Sequeira, which is set to face page 254, are 
derived from the MS. of Pedro Barretto de Resende, in 
the Sloane Library of MSS. at the British Museum. 
They have been reproduced by the autotype process, 
with permission of the Trustees of the British Museum, 
to whom the thanks of the Hakluyt Society are due 
for this favour. 

The interesting plan of Malaca fortress and settle- 
ment comes from the same MS. The map of the 

1 The phrase, "e não me tome cada anno conta do que faço como 
a Almoxarife", in Afonso Dalboquerque's letter, seems clearly to 
point to a certain necessity on the part of those who have had to 
govern India for occasional use of large suras of money for secret 
political objects. The history of Warren Hastings and Lord Clive 
in later centuries afford examples of the disasters attendant upon 
this necessity. 

vol. in. g 

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Malay peninsula has been reproduced in a reduced form 
with great care from a chart contained in a most valu- 
able Portolano executed by the Portuguese hydrogra- 
pher, Diego Homem, in 1558. This MS. is preserved 
among the additional MSS. in the British Museum. 
(Add. MSS., 5415 a.) For the permission to trace 
these, I desire to record my thanks to Mr. E. M. 
Thompson, F.S.À., keeper of the manuscripts in the 
British Museum. The bird's-eye view of Malaca has 
been reduced by photo-lithography from the frequently 
cited Lendas da India, a work of very great value 
for collation with other historical narratives of the 
Early History of Portuguese India. 

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H.S1 À.D. 

1. Afonso Dalboquerque assaults Goa . 25 Nov. 1510 

1. [Sails for the Straits Feb. 1511] 

207. [Dom Garcia de Noronha sails with six ships 

from Portugal 25 March and 8 April 1511] 

101. Afonso Dalboquerque assaults Malaca on St. 

James's Day [25 July 1511] 

207. [Builds the fortress of Malaca . . August 1511] 

164. Antonio Dabreu sails to explore the Moluccas 

During November [1511] 

195. [Afonso Dalboquerque, shipwrecked on the voy- 
age from Malaca to India, reaches Cochim 

During January 1512] 

195. [Dom Garcia de Noronha reaches Moçambique 

Beginning of February 1512] 

208. [Jorge de Mello Pereira sails with twelve ships 

from Portugal 25 March 1512] 

208. [João Chanoca sails for Portugal 13 July 1512] 

207. Arrival of the Fleets of D. Garcia D. Noronha, 

and Jorge de Mello at Cochim - 20 Aug. 1512 

210. Afonso Dalboquerque sails from Cochim for Goa 

10 Sept. 1512 

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208. [The Fortress of Calicut built by the Portuguese 

During the Year 1512] 

255. Dom Garcia de Noronha blockades Calicut 

During Jan. [1513] 

256. But rejoins Afonso Dalboquerque at Goa 10 Feb. [1513] 
172. Oration of Camillo Portio before Leo X During Oct. 1513 

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With Licence of the Royal Board of Censors, and Royal Privilege, 

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How, after his fleet was ready, he set out for the harbour of 
Canandr: and what passed with the King of Garçopa and 
Timoja concerning the entry of the river of Goa . 


Of the council which the great Afonso Dalboquerque held with 
the captains concerning the attacking of the city, and the 
remainder of the events connected therewith 


How the great Afonso Dalboquerque attacked the city of Goa, and 
took it by force of arms, when some of our side were killed ; 
and of the great havoc that was made of the Moors 


How the great Afonso Dalboquerque gave the soldiers permission 
to sack the city : and, of the crucifix which was found in 
some old walls from which stone was taken for the fortress : 
and of the miracle which Our Lord performed for our side 
on the day of the battle .... 

VOL. ill. h 

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How the Nequibares sent to request a safe conduct from Afonso 
Dalboquerque, in order that they might come and live at Goa; 
and how our forces put to rout Meliqueaye, the captain of 
theHidalcSo . . .21 


How Merlao came to Goa, and the Nequibares desired Afonso 
Dalboquerque to give him to them for their governor, and 
what took place thereupon ; and how he ordered Diogo Fer- 
nandez de Beja to destroy the fortress of Çacotorâ . . 25 


Of the ambassadors whom the Çainorim, after the fall of Goa, 
sent to the great Afonso Dalboquerque, desiring peace with 
him ; and how Sim So Rangel was sent upon this business, 
and what passed concerning it . . .30 


How the King of Narsinga sent his ambassadors to visit Afonso 
Dalboquerque concerning the capture of Goa; and of the 
news which Fr. Luiz communicated to him, and what passed 
• thereafter . . .35 


How the great Afonso Dalboquerque set in order certain matters 
in the city, and established a Mint there, and of what 
followed .39 


Of the proceedings of the Bendara, Governor of Malaca, when he 
heard that Goa had been taken, and of the news which lluy 
de Araújo, who was in captivity there, wrote to the great 
Afonso Dalboquerque . .44 


How the Captains of the Fleet of Diogo Mendez requested him 
to set out for Malaca ; and of what passed with them, and 
how he begged Afonso Dalboquerque to grant him permission 
to go ; and of the reasons wherefore it was not granted . 48 


How Diogo Mendez, by the advice of his captains, hoisted sail to 
pass over the bar, and the great Afonso Dalboquerque sent 
after him, and they made him turn back,' and the rest which 
took place . . « .51 

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How the great Afonso Dalboquerque set Bail for the Straits of 
Meca with his fleet, and finding he could not cross the shoals 
of Padua, stood off Goa and made his way direct to Malaca . 55 


How the great Afonso Dalboquerque set sail from Cochim, and 

made his way direct to Malaca, and of what passed thereupon 57 

How the great Afonso Dalboquerque set sail from the port of Pace, 
and at sea he sighted a sailing vessel which was carrying 
the Moor who was flying from him, and how he sent after 
the vessel, and what further took place . .60 


How the great Afonso Dalboquerque reached the port of Malaca, 
and the king sent immediately to visit him, and the rest 
that took place . . .66 


Of the site and foundation of the kingdom and city of Malaca . 71 


Of the customs and government of the city of Malaca . 84 


Of the message which the great Afonso Dalboquerque sent to the 
king of Malaca, and of the council which he held with his 
captains concerning the letter which Ruy de Araújo sent him 90 

Of the requisition which the great Afonso Dalboquerque ordered 
to be made to the king, signed by himself and all the cap- 
tains ; and how the king sent him Ruy de Araújo and his 
companions whom he had there . . .93 

How the Chinese merchants, who were at Malaca, made their 
way to the great Afonso Dalboquerque ; and of what passed 
with him ; and of the council which he held with the Cap- 
tains, Fidalgos, and Cavaliers of the Fleet to attack the city . 97 


How the great Afonso Dalboquerque, on the morning of St. 
James's day, attacked the city of Malaca, and what passed 
thereupon . . 101 

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How TuSo Bandão, captain of the king of Malaca, perceiving the 
dispersion of the Moors, went to their assistance with a body 
of soldiers, and what passed thereupon; and how the king 
took to flight, and our men pursued him . . . 105 


How the king of Malaca, after the Portuguese had withdrawn to 
their ships, began to reconstruct the stockades and fortified his 
position on the bridge ; and of the message which Utemuta- 
raja sent to the great Afonso Dolboquerque .108 


How the great Afonso Dalboquerque prepared himself for renew- 
ing the attack upon the stockades which the king had set upon 
the bridge : and how the Chinese desired of him permission 
to return to their land : and of the ambassador whom he sent 
with them to the king of Sião . .111 


The speech which the great Afonso Dalboquerque made to the 
Captains and men of the Fleet for the second attack upon the 
city, and what passed thereupon .114 


How the great Afonso Dalboquerque again attacked the city 
according to the resolution which had been arrived at, and 
how he entered the bridge by force of arms and fortified him- 
self on it . . .120 


How the great Afonso Dalboquerque ordered relief to be given 
to our men who were stationed at the mouth of the street 
which led to the bridge : and how Utemutaraja and Nina- 
chatu, and other merchants, seeing the overthrow of the city, 
came and placed themselves in his hands . . .124 


Of how, after the Prince of Malaca had withdrawn from his 
father, he came to the river of Muar and fortified himself 
therein with a number of stockades, and the great Afonso 
Dalboquerque sent a force against him, and put him to flight 128 


How the King of Malaca, after the Portuguese had gained the city 
from him, withdrew to the kingdom of Pão, and dispatched an 
Ambassador to the King of China, begging for succour 131 

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How the King of Malaca, having arrived at the kingdom of Pfio, 
died ; and how the great Afonso Dalboqnerqne began to build 
the fortress ; and the inscription which he placed over the gate 
after it was finished, and what passed hereupon . 134 


IIow the great Afonso Dalboquerque, at the request of the Gover- 
nors and people of the city, ordered money to be coined; 
and of the value thereof, and of the rest that was done there- 
upon ...... 187 


How the merchants and all the noble Moors of the city com- 
plained to the great Afonso Dalboquerque of the tyrannies 
which Utemutaraja exercised in the land, and how he had in 
his power all the supplies, and of many other things which 
hedid .148 


How the great Afonso Dalboquerque, on account of the corrobo- 
ration which he received concerning the treason which Ute- 
mutaraja was planning against him, determined to seize him, 
and his son, and his son-in-law ; and the rest that took place, 
and what passed with the wife of Utemutaraja 147 


How Duarte Fernandez, and the Chinese, whom he carried in his 
company, reached the city of Udiá, where the King of Sião 
lived, and gave him the message which he carried from the 
great Afonso Dalboquerque; and of the ambassador whom 
the King of Sito sent to him .152 


How the great Afonso Dalboquerque dispatched the ambassador of 
the King of Sião, and in company with him sent Antonio de 
Miranda de Azevedo with instructions how to act, and of the 
present which was sent through him . 166 


How the great Afonso Dalboquerque dispatched the ambassadors 
of the Kings of Campar and Java, and ordered the explora- 
tion of the Island of Maluco - * . .159 

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Of the Council which the great Afonso Dalboquerque held with 
the Captains respecting the order in which he should leave the 
management of affairs at Malaca, and some ordinances which 
he made for the government of the country before his de- 
parture for India . . . .165 


Oration which Oamillo Portio made to the Pope Leo the Tenth in 
praise of the capture of Malaca, and of the victories gaiued 
by the Portuguese in their conquest of India . .169 


The proceedings of the Portuguese in Goa with the Captains of 
the Hidalcao, who came and besieged the city after the de- 
parture of the great Afonso Dalboquerque for Malaca 187 


How the Hidalcão, on learning that his Captain had made an 
entry into the Island of Goa and taken Benastarim without 
permission, ordered Roçalcào to take it from him, and what 
passed thereupon . . 1 90 


How the great Afonso Dalboquerque, having set sail from Malaca, 
steered for the channel by which he had entered when he 
came from India: and how he was wrecked on some shal- 
lows off the Coast of Çamatra, and miraculously saved, and 
the rest that took place .... 193 


Of what was lost in the ship Flor de la Mar: and how the Great 
Afonso Dalboquerque, after having collected his people to- 
gether on the ship Trindade, proceeded on his route to Ceilão: 
and of what took place on the voyage until they arrived at 
Cochim . . . . .198 


How the great Afonso Dalboquerque reached Cochim ; and of the 
news which they gave him concerning Goa, and of the coming 
of the Rumes, and of the fleet which arrived from Portugal . 204 


How the great Afonso Dalboquerque set out from Cochim with 
the intention of going in search of the Rumes ; and how he 
proceeded to besiege the fortress of Benastarim 210 

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How the great Afonso Dalboquerque ordered the stockade, where- 
with the Turks had surrounded the fortress in order that our 
ships should not go inside, to be pulled Up ; and how he went 
to the city after having put them inside, and what further 
took place ...... 214 


How the great Afonso Dalboquerque arrived at the city [of Goa], 
and of the great reception with which the inhabitants met 
him, and of the rest which passed with the Turks . 220 


How BocalcSo was put to flight, and the great Afonso Dalbo- 
querque followed in pursuit after him up to the very walls of 
the fortress of Benesterij, and of what further took place 225 


How the great Afonso Dalboquerque rallied his people, and went 
back to the city; and how he returned again with all his 
battle array to besiege the fortress, and of what passed with 
Kocalcao . . .229 


Of how the great Afonso Dalboquerque debated with the Cap- 
tains and Fidalgoes who were there the terms offered by 
Roçalcão ; and of the agreement which was made ; and how 
he set out for Goa ..... 234 


How our men entered the fortress, and wanted to pillage the 
Turks, if the great Afonso Dalboquerque had not prevented 
them ; and what passed with the renegades, and how he set 
forth towards Goa ..... 236 


How the great Afonso Dalboquerque sent D. Garcia de Noronha, 
his nephew, with a fleet against Calicut; and how he dis- 
patched the ambassadors who were waiting for him at Goa, 
and the rest which took place . . - . 243 


How an ambassador from King Vengapor arrived at Goa, and how 
the great Dalboquerque bore himself with Roçalcão, and what 
passed with them ..... 246 

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Of the arrival of the embassy of the Prestes João at Goa, and of 
the manner in which he was received; and how the great 
Afonso Dalboquerque sent him to Portugal, and the rest which 
took place ...... 250 


Of the arrival of D. Garcia de Noronha at Cochim; and how, after 
settling the order in which the vessels were to be arranged, 
and dispatching the ships which were to sail to Portugal 
during that year with their ladings, he set sail for Calient 
with all his fleet, and what took place there . 255 


How the great Afonso Dalboquerque gave an account to the cap* 
tains and officers of the king concerning the letter which the 
King had written to him respecting the surrender of Goa to 
the Hidalcão, and what was agreed to in this behalf . 257 

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IEGO HOMEM. A.O. 1558. 


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How, after bis fleet was ready, he set out for the harbour of Cananor : 
and what passed with the King of Garcopa and Timoja concerning 
the entry of the river of Goa. 

When the interviews were concluded, which the great 
Afonso Dalboquerque held in Cochim with Gonçalo de 
Sequeira and the other captains, he set out towards Cana- 
nor, where he found ready the fleet and all the things 
which he required for his voyage. And without making any 
delay, he set sail with a fleet of twenty-three vessels, con- 
taining about two thousand Portuguese : and of them there 
were the Captains Manuel de Lacerda; Fernão Perez Dan- 
drade ; Simão Dandrade, his brother ; Bastião de Miranda ; 
Afonso Pessoa; Ruy de Brito Patalim; Diogo Fernandez 
de Beja ; Jorge Nunez de Lião ; Francisco Pereira Pestana ; 
D. João de Lima; D. Jeronymo de Lima, his brother; 
Manuel da Cunha ; Duarte de Melo ; Pêro Dafonseca ; 
Gaspar de Paiva; Simão Martinez; Francisco Pantoja; An- 
tonio de Matos ; and Diogo Mendez de Vasconcelos, who 
was going to Malaca; Dinis Cerniche, Balthezar da Silva, and 


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Pero Coresma, who were to accompany [Diogo Meu dez de 
Vasconcelos]. And so the whole fleet went along the coast and 
stood over against Onor to take in fresh supplies and water. 1 
As soon as the King of Garçopa and Timoja were in- 
formed of the arrival of Afonso Dalboquerque at the port, 
they went to talk with him, and after the customary greet- 
ings were over, he asked them what news they had of Goa 

1 It is useful to compare with this list that of Gaspar Corroa, who 
gives the following names of captains accompanying Afonso Dalboquer- 
que against Goa : — 

*Joam de Lima. 

Jeronymo de Lima, his brother. 

Manuel de Lacerda. 

Fernam Peres d'Andrade. 

Simão d'Andrade, his brother. 

Diogo Fernandes de Beja. 
♦Manuel da Cunha. 

Duarte de Mello. 

Francisco de Távora. 

Vasco Fernandes Coutinho. 
•Garcia de Sousa. 

Gaspar Cão. 

Lopo Vaz de Sampayo. 

Ayres da Silva. 

Dinis Fernandes de Mello. 

Joam Serrano. 

Diogo Mendes de Vasconcel- 

Pero Coresma. 

Baltesar da Silva. 

Micer Vinete Cerniche [called 
Dinis Cerniche in the Commen- 

Antonio Raposo. 
♦Simão Martins. 

Gaspar de Paiva. 

Francisco Pantoja. 
♦Bastiam de Miranda d'Azevedo. 

Afonso Pessoa. 

Jorge Martins de Lião [called 
Jorge Nunez de Lião in the 

in twenty-eight ships, and 1,700 Portuguese. The names marked with 
asterisks are among those who gave an opinion at the council of war 
just before. Corrêa also mentions the following as being with Afonso 
Dalboquerque in the attack on Goa : — 

Fernam Gomes de Lemos. 

Nuno Vaz de Castello Branco. 
♦Jorge da Silveira. 

Ruy de Brito. 

Luís Coutinho, brother of Vasco 

Simão d* Andrade, brother of Fer- 
nam Perez. 

Gonzalo d' Almeida. 

Simão Martins Henriquez. 
Payo Rodriguez de Sousa. 
Diogo Pirez de Miranda. 
Duarte de Mello. 
Álvaro Pecanha. 
Luis Preto. 
Pero Dafonsequa. 
Antonio de Matos. 
Antonio Diniz, and others. 

Lord Stanley's First Voyage of Magellan, pp. xxiii, xxiv. 

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and of the Hidalcao f They told him that there were in 
Goa three captains, who had about four thousand men in 
the garrison, all Turks, Rumes, and Coraçones, 1 with cer- 
tain peons of Balagate, who were archers ; and there were 
about an equal number of native Moors. And they declared 
that, if he had come with the intention of attacking the city, 
it was just at the very nick of time, for the Hidalcâo was 
prosecuting a war with the Guazils of the Kingdom of 
Decan, who had wrested from him a great part of his lands, 
and he was now so far advanced into the interior of the 
country, that it was impossible for him to return and relieve 
Goa. They said, too, that they were ready with all their 
people, as they had already notified to him, to serve him by 
land in that expedition. 

Afonso Dalboquerque received the promises they made, 
and thanked them heartily for them. But, although it seemed 
to him to be a doubtful thing to attack Goa, held as it was 
by so many forces and now become so much on the alert, 
as these persons had declared to him, nevertheless he made 
up his mind to blockade it with all his forces, and to attack 
the enemy ; and with this determination he set sail with the 
whole of his fleet, and bore up for Anjadiva, where he re- 
mained for eleven days without forming any resolutions of 
future proceedings. For when he arrived there, he was 
advised not to place any reliance upon the promised offers 
of the King of Garçopa and of Timoja, because they were in 
fear lest things should not turn out well for them, and they 
did not wish to be in worse relations to the Hidalcáo than 
they were already. And thus the great Afonso Dalboquer- 
que, perplexed by all these doubts which were conveyed to 
him, set out from Anjadiva, and proceeded to cast anchor over 
against the bar of Goa, and ordered Manuel da Cunha, with 
six ships, to enter through Old Goa, and make his way to 
Agacij, and to the land of Saste, to co-operate with the army 
1 Inhabitants of the Khorassan. 

b 2 

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of Timoja, who would have to approach by that direction. 
And Manuel da Cunha, as soon as he reached the pass of 
Benastarim and of Agacij, fired a gun and remained quietly 
in the river waiting for the army to arrive. 

No sooner had Manuel da Cunha set forth, than Afonso 
Dalboqaerque summoned the captains to his ship, and told 
them they were well aware of the promises made to them 
by the King of Garçopa and Timoja, but that he himself, 
from what he had heard in Anjadiva, and also because they 
had delayed in their journey, very much doubted if these 
people meant to keep their word. He therefore begged 
them to decide whether he should undertake this matter 
without counting very much on the support of the native 
army which had been offered, or whether they should first 
go to Cambaya and there settle the terms of peace. The 
captains listened to the arguments of Afonso Dalboquerque, 
and were all unanimously of opinion that he ought to attack 
Goa; for if that city were once taken, the King of Cambaya 
would consent, they said, to carry out all the conditions 
they might require of him ; and what was more, he would 
not delay releasing the captives whom he had in his power. 
This advice appeared good to Afonso Dalboquerque, who 
sent immediately a message to Manuel da Cunha to return 
and rejoin the fleet. And, as soon as he arrived, all weighed 
anchor, and stood in up the river and reached a pass about 
as far from the city as a falconet would carry a shot, where 
the Turks had sunk three Malabar ships laden with stones, 
in order to impede any further passage of our vessels up 
the river. But this artifice, which the Turks thought to 
avail themselves of, turned out exactly the opposite of what 
they intended ; for, instead of blocking the river, the force 
of the water that ran down was so great, that it opened two 
channels much deeper than the one which they had blocked 

When Afonso Dalboquerque arrived at this spot, ho 

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ordered the small vessels to go up through these new chan- 
nels which the river had made, and told the captains to 
strain every nerve to reach the fortress as quickly as they 
could ; and, as it was now late, there was not time for great 
vessels to make the passage. But, as soon as morning 
broke, Afonso Dalboquerque got into a boat, and proceeded 
to the station where the small vessels were at anchor, with 
all the rest of the fleet which followed him, and there he 
settled himself, and sent Duarte de Lemos, Gaspar de Paiva, 
and Diogo Fernandez de Beja, to man their skiffs and re- 
connoitre the condition of the fortress. These three got up 
in front of it, and examined it very closely, and reported to 
Afonso Dalboquerque that it was very strong, fortified with 
many trenches and bulwarks, and embrasures flush with the 
water, 1 with much artillery therein, and a very large ditch. 
So Afonso Dalboquerque, on receipt of this intelligence 
which the captains reported, and on consideration of the 
number of the forces within the city, came to the conclusion 
that it was a very perilous undertaking to attack it ; yet, 
nevertheless, confiding in God to help him, he sent on in 
advance Bastião de Miranda, Afonso Pessoa, and Buy de 
Brito Patalim, to make their way with their galleys to the 
other side of the fortress ; and as they were perceived they 
were plied with the artillery contained in it, but our Lord 
protected them, so that they sustained no injury. And, 
although all these things rendered the business of attacking 
the city more hazardous, yet, in order to be more completely 
informed on all points, he ordered Diogo Fernandez de Beja 
to seize by night upon some native interpreter; and by 
means of a Moor who was thus taken, he learned that the 
Turks had a great quantity of artillery both large and small, 
and many foot soldiers and cavalry, and many stores ; and 
that Moors, the natives of the land, had promised the Hid- 
alc&o that they would all die in defending the city from the 
1 Ao lume da agua, " between wind and water". 

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entry of the Portuguese ; and that the Turks, in addition 
to this promise which they had made, out of fear that if 
any troubles came upon them the Moors would rise up 
against them, had given orders that all the women and 
children of the principal persons of the land should be 
placed in the fortress. 


Of the council which the great Afonso Dalboquerque held with the 
captains concerning the attacking of the city, and the remainder 
of the events connected therewith. 

For three days after the great Afonso Dalboquerque had 
acquired this information concerning the ready state of the 
city he remained without coming to any determination 
whether he should wait or not for the King of Garçopa 
and Timoja, from whom the only help he expected was 
that they would come and stir up the Hindoos against 
the Moors, and prevent their furnishing the latter with 
supplies or paying the duties for the land which they were 
bound to pay. And at this juncture, while he was thus 
delaying himself, without making up his mind what to do, 
the Turks made some very strong stockades of timber, 
filled in with earth, with their ditches full of water, along 
the banks, and in these they stationed many pieces of large 
artillery, and appointed a captain with his men to defend 

But when Afonso Dalboquerque perceived that the Turks, 
out of the excessive confidence they had in their fortress, 
were constructing stockades outside to ward off the attack 
upon their ships, and prevent their being burned, and were 
quite certain of the safety of everything else, he summoned 
the captains and all the Fidalgos and cavaliers of the fleet, 
and laid before them the opinion he had of these doings of 

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the Turks, and desired it to be debated whether they should 
first of all attack the stockades, or set themselves forthwith 
in battle array and storm the fortress. And when this had 
been discussed, at length every one agreed that the fortress 
should be attacked before the stockades ; because, although 
it might be the stronger, it was there that they all desired 
to accomplish the wishes they had of taking vengeance of 
what had already befallen them. For after they had once 
taken the fortress, there was nothing more for them to do. 

But Afonso Dalboquerque and Diogo Mendez de Vascon- 
celos were not with them in this way of thinking, but 
rather considered that they should first destroy the stock- 
ades, and when these were overcome, they would get in [to 
the fortress] with the enemy pell-mell ; and that this ought 
to be put into practice immediately, because all the rest of 
the time they spent there without doing anything was but 
weakening more and more their chances of succeeding in 
this matter; and in this opinion of Afonso Dalboquerque 
everyone concurred, but they agreed to wait three days 
longer for the King of Garçopa. For Afonso Dalboquer- 
que told them that as they were clearly minded to attack 
the city, they had no time now to look for any other help 
beyond that of our Lord Jesus Christ, which would not fail 
them, seeing that they fought for his Holy Faith, which he 
for his part truly believed in ; and that the detention of the 
King of Garçopa and Timoja had all been brought about by 
the Turks by the great force of bribes which they had given 
them not to come; and that Timoja was so artful that he was 
sure to keep up his dissembling and not arrive until after 
the fall of the city, for he saw very well that it was like to 
cost much blood in the taking ; and therefore they ought 
not to lose time in waiting for his support. 

And with this settlement of the matter he dismissed the 
captains to their ships to make ready for the next day, in 
the morning, when all were to proceed to attack the stock- 

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ados, and when they were once captured, the circumstances 
of the victory would point out how they should proceed. So 
he divided all his forces into three companies in order of 
battle ; that is to say, Manuel da Cunha, Manuel de 
Lacerda, D. João de Lima, D. Jeronymo de Lima, his 
brother, Gaspar Paiva, Gaspar Cão, Fernão Peyo, Pêro 
Dafonseca, and many others, into one company, which was 
to go and attack the stockades near the fortress. And in 
the second company he set Diogo Mendez de Vasconcelos, 
Baltezar da Silva, Dinis Cerniche, Pero Goresma, who 
carried with him his son Jorge Coresma (who is now super- 
intendent of the royal ovens), who, though he was but a 
child, gave a very good account of himself that day ; and 
Ruy de Brito Patalim, and Jorge Nunez de Lião, with many 
other soldiers, to attack the stockades on the sides near the 
ships ; while he himself, with the remainder of the forces 
and captains, would go and take the stockades in flank by 
a road which led from Mandovij by a branch upwards which 
he knew of, for if he went there he would be placed be- 
tween the Moors and the city, and if he took their stock- 
ades in flank they could not fail to make great havoc 
among them. 

And because there were in that road, which Afonso Dal- 
boquerque determined to explore, certain palisadings of 
very strong timber, in order not to be delayed by anything 
when he should get there, he ordered Dinis Fernandez, the 
master of his ship, to go in advance in charge of thirty 
mariners to cut them down, and he was not to allow anyone 
to set fire to the ships which were on the beach, unless they 
were entirely discomfited in the endeavour to take the 
city. But, whereas the captains still adhered to their 
opinion, they returned again forthwith by night to talk 
with Afonso Dalboquerque, and laid before him many 
reasons why he should attack the fortress before the stock- 
ades; and he on his part unfolded to them many others, to 

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show where he disagreed from their conclusions. And 
there arose so many discussions on one side and the other 
about this, that Afonso Dalboquerque, in spite of his own 
opinion, and in order to content them, desisted from what 
he had arranged to do, and allowed himself to be convinced 
by their arguments. And when the Turks perceived this 
delay, for it was now seven days that our men had been 
there without doing anything, they began to grow auda- 
cious, and built some stockades still closer to our fleet, 
wherein they placed six large bombards, and began to fire 
them against us. 

Afonso Dalboquerque was annoyed at the little account 
the Turks made of him, and with grave and opportune con- 
sideration, he sent word to the captains to make themselves 
ready, and on the following day, in the morning, to come on 
board his ship, for his intention was, in spite of all the dis- 
cussions that had been held, to attack the stockades and 
fight the Turks, for he could not brook their vain-glory- 
ing ; and each one was to fight in the place which had been 
marked out for him. 


How the great Aíodso Dalboquerque attacked the city of Goa, and took 
it by force of arms, when some of our side were killed ; and of the 
great havoc that was made of the Moore. 

And now that the great Afonso Dalboquerque had made 
all arrangements to attack the city, as I have said, on the 
following day, before morning broke, which was the day of 
St. Catharine, 1 the 25th day of the month of November, 

1 *• Na luz, que sempre celebrada, e dina 
Sera de Egyptia JSancta Catharina." 

Cam., Lus.j x, 43. 
See Vol. i, Introd., p. i, for the context and Fanshaw's quaint trans- 

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of one thousand five hundred and ten, the captains, who 
were already prepared, arrived with all their men, and 
boarded the flag-ship; and they found Afonso Dalboquerque 
already gone on board his skiff, and a pardo with a hundred 
and fifty soldiers waiting for them. And after a general 
confession had been made by all of them, they arranged 
themselves in three companies of attack, according to the 
instructions already promulgated, and proceeded against 
the city, for the day had now fully dawned ; and, on their 
arrival, without any further consultation, they went on to 
attack the stockades, each company taking up the position 
that had been marked out for it. 

The Turks, who were stationed therein, defended them- 
selves for a long time, and prevented any entry of the 
enemy, and Afonso Dalboquerque, with the men he had in 
his company, on arriving at the palisades which Dinis Fer- 
nandez had already cut down, went up along the edge of the 
ridge at the double. The Turks, because they did not fear 
any attack from that side, as soon as they felt themselves 
harassed by people at their back, after making a long resist- 
ance, began to retire from the stockades. The captains, 
when they perceived that the enemy were beginning to be- 
come embarrassed with the arrival of Afonso Dalboquerque, 
fell upon them so valiantly, carrying in their van the Apostle 
Sanctiago [Saint James the greater], who was going with 
them as their guide, that in a short space of time they got 
into the stockades, and with the enemy in flight made their 
way pell-mell as far as the gates of the city, without looking 
behind them, killing and maiming many Turks and Rumes, 
all of them of superior class, and many well attired in silken 
habits and brocades. 

Manuel da Cunha, Manuel de Lacerda, Dom Jo&o de 
Lima, D. Jeronymo de Lima, his brother, and others in 
their company, which were in advance, on arriving at the 
gate, experienced great resistance from the Turks; but, 

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nevertheless, animated by the victory which onr Lord pointed 
out to them, they entered into the city by force of arms, 
and behind them entered Dinis Fernandez, who had come 
up by this time with the men whom he had taken to cut 
down the palisades. And so all these being united together 
kept on pursuing the Moors as far as the gate of the fortress, 
and then they fought a great battle with them ; so well 
fought indeed was it on one side and the other, that for a 
long space of time each side thought that it had gained the 
victory. The Turks, however, who were stationed within 
the fortress, came up at once on horse to succour their men, 
and so put our men to rout But just at this moment there 
arrived Diogo Mendez and Jorge Nunes de Lião, with all 
the Fidalgos and men they had in their company, and found 
a great number of our men already wounded and put to 
great straits ; but on their arrival, the new comers shouted 
out to them to fall again upon the Turks, and they would 
follow them up. 

With this fresh relief our men fell upon the Moors on 
foot and on horseback, and one and all closed so desperately 
with them, that they routed them, and all together entered 
pell-mell through the gates of the fortress ; some of our 
party being left behind already dead or wounded. Manuel 
de Lacerda, who was marching along wounded in his face 
by an arrow, just as he entered by the gate encountered a 
Turk upon a horse, and killed him, and mounted the horse, 
and performed a great feat in continuing to go on, for he 
had a piece of broken arrow fixed in his face, and all his 
armour was smirched in the blood which ran down from it. 
At this time Afonso Dalboquerque was making his way with 
his company at the back of our men, going at a quick 
march, in order to give succour whenever he should perceive 
they had need of it. Bat the Turks, when they became 
aware that they had been invaded by our men, who were 
following them up, collected together to the number of five 

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hundred, including a hundred mounted men with their own 
captain, and rallied and turned back, and fought with such 
vigour, that our soldiers tried hard for a long time without 
being able to make them yield. 

When Afonso Dalboquerque was informed of the peril 
our men were in, he bore down to this spot at full speed, 
with all the soldiers in his company, to reinforce them, and 
on coming up to them, some among their company made 
such fierce havoc among the Turks with their lances, that 
they routed them, and killed many ; among them being two 
chief captains out of three whom the Hidalc&o had there. 
As soon as Manuel de Lacerda beheld Afonso Dalboquerque, 
he dismounted his charger and presented it to him. And 
when Afonso Dalboquerque saw him with his armour all 
smirched with blood, he embraced him, and said: — "Sir 
Manuel de Lacerda, I declare to you that I am greatly 
envious of you, and so would Alexander the Great have been, 
had he been here, for you look more gallant for an evening's 
rendezvous than Arelhano". 1 And when Afonso Dalboquer- 
que mounted on the horse, all the captains took horses 
which the Turks had abandoned, and followed up after the 
enemy, and these, without making any further resistance, 
turned their backs and fled out of the gate of the fortress. 
And many others there, just wherever they chanced to be, 
threw themselves down from the walls, in order to shorten 
their journey. 

As soon as the fortress had been abandoned, Afonso Dal- 
boquerque gave orders that the gates should be shut that 
led to the city, and a good watch kept over them, in order 
that our men should not follow the Moors, nor disband 
themselves to plunder. For he feared that as the enemy 
were very numerous, they would unite together, and bring 

1 The Emperor Aurelian, whose reign presents a succession of bril- 
liant exploits which restored for a time their ancient lustre to the arms 
of Rome. In a war against the Sarmatians he was believed to have 
slain forty -eight of the enemy in one day. 

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about another catastrophe like that which befel the Portu- 
guese at Calicut. 1 So he gave orders to all the captains to 
take up positions in the walls of the fortress ; for he had 
made up his mind to fortify himself in it. The Turks in- 
deed were so dismayed, that those who managed to escape 
from the fury of our soldiers made their way in flight over 
towards Benastarim, with the object of passing over from 
that place to the opposite side of the mainland. And they 
went on so excited by fear, that without waiting for any 
vessel of transport they swam across the river, and thereby 
many of them were drowned and many horses were lost. 

The city had now been entered, and when Afonso Dalbo- 
querque perceived that the fortress was strongly fortified 
with artillery, and the embrasures covered with clay out- 
side, in order to deceive our people if they attacked them, 
he offered up many thanks to our Lord for thus delivering 
them from the dangers which had been prepared against 
them, had they operated against the fortress, as the cap- 
tains had thought they ought to have done. Out of our 
party, one hundred and fifty soldiers were wounded ; and 
of the Fidalgos and captains, Manuel de Lacerda, who was 
the first who went in at the gate and the first who received 
any wounds (for thus I found it written), and Gaspar de 
Paiva, Manuel da Cunha, D. João de Lima, Gaspar Cão, 
Simão Dandrade, Dinis Fernandez, and all the rest who were 
in the advance guard. And seven were killed, of whom one 
was D. Jeronymo de Lima, who was mortally wounded at 
the entry of the gate of the fortress. And while he lay on 
the ground so severely struck that he could not survive, 
his brother, D. João de Lima, who was wheeling round 
with others, came upon him ; and when he beheld him in 
such a condition, with his head leaning against the wall, he 
exclaimed, with many tears : — " What is this, brother ? how 
art thou V 9 D. Jeronymo replied : — " I am on the point of 
1 See vol. ii, p. xbc. 

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finishing this journey ; and I am glad, as it has pleased onr 
Lord to require this service of me, that it has been com- 
pleted here in his service and in that of the King of Portugal." 

D. João de Lima desired to remain in company with him; 
but he said : — " Brother, there is no time for you to remain 
with me ; go and perform what is required of you, I will 
remain here and finish my days, for I have no longer 
any strength left/' So D. João de Lima left him, and went 
on, following after the Moors ; and when the fortress had 
been captured and the Moors driven out, he returned to 
seek after his brother, and found him already dead. I 
should be very glad to have been either one of these two 
brothers; but I know not how to decide which one of the two 
I most envy, — whether D. João de Lima, because he went to 
fight where such another one as himself could be met with, 
or D. Jeronymo de Lima, who did not desire to remedy his 
wounds, although they were mortal (it being a very natural 
thing for men to desire to live), but rather sought to advance 
his brother's honour, and would not consent to his remain- 
ing behind with him at a time when the other Fidalgos and 
cavaliers were carrying on the fight with the Turks within 
the fortress. The decision of this I leave to those who read 
the lessons of this history; let them judge whether of these 
two brothers best performed his obligations. 

They killed also André de Afonseca, Antonio Graces, and 
Álvaro Gomes, son of the almoocarife 1 of Alenquer, and 
others, whose names are not known. But they who died 
and they who remained alive so performed their task, not 
only in the attack on the city, but in all the other conflicts 
in which they found themselves this day engaged with the 
enemy, that it .is worthy that they should be held in great 
remembrance ; for, in thus gaining Goa, the possession of 
India became secured [to Portugal]. 

1 Almoxarife, a receiver of customs or dues for commodities imported 
or exported. Arabic, Al mochrif, an inspector. — Engelmann. 

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Nor should anyone forget Diogo Mendez de Vasconcelos 
and those of his company, for the alacrity and powerful 
efforts with which he relieved our soldiers, when a great 
number of them had already been wounded, contributed in 
a great measure towards the capture of the fortress. And, 
indeed, Afonso Dalboquerque was so very well aware of the 
powerful efforts and discretion of Diogo Mendez, that he 
often declared to him, when they were at variance respect- 
ing his voyage to Malaca : — " J abhor the life that I lead, 
Sir Diogo Mendez, for my tenure of the supreme office here 
has done yon harm/' Thus it was that if our soldiers, 
after the first capture of this city, were considered to have 
been ill-advised to evacuate it, in this second capture they 
recovered their prestige in returning to take it by force of 
arms, putting to death, besides many other natives of the 
city, two thousand men, whites, Turks, Bumes, and Cora- 
çones, which produced, indeed, a terrible dread throughout 
all the land, on account of the great confidence that had 
hitherto been reposed in their invincibility. 


How the great Afonso Dalboquerque gave the soldiers permission to 
sack the city : and, of the crucifix which was found in some old 
walls from which stone was taken for the fortress: and of the 
miracle which Our Lord performed for our side on the day of the 

Directly it was reported in Cochim that the great Afonso 
Dalboquerque had taken Goa, the captains who were there 
loading their ships to set out for Portugal, calling to mind 
how he had told them that before their departure they 
should have news of the taking of Goa, became very sad 
and full of shame, when they knew of it, because they had 
not been with him in that enterprise. 

After having commanded the captains to take up their 

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positions and guard the fortress, Afonso Dalboquerque gave 
permission to the soldiers to sack the city, and free right 
to keep everything they took ; but as for his own share, he 
cared for nothing more than the contentment derived for 
having been enabled to keep his word, which he had given 
to the Hidalcão when he was in Goa, as has already been 

In the city were captured a hundred large guns (bom- 
bardas) and a large quantity of smaller artillery, and two 
hundred horses, and many supplies and munitions of war. 
All these were ordered to be delivered to the factor for the 
king. And after the city had been pillaged, Afonso Dalbo- 
querque told the captains to reconnoitre the whole of the 
island and to put to the sword all the Moors, men, women, 
and children, that should be found, and to give no quarter 
to any one of them ; for his determination was to leave no 
seed of this race throughout the whole of the island. And 
he did this, not only because it was necessary for the security 
of the land that there should be none but Hindoos within it, 
but also as a punishment for the treachery of which the Moors 
had been guilty when he took the city for the first time. 
And for four days continuously they poured out the blood 
of the Moors who were found therein ; and it was ascer- 
tained that of men, women, and children, the number ex- 
ceeded six thousand. 

The Hindoos, also, for their part, by reason of the hatred 
in which they held the Turks, because they had been de- 
prived there of the lands whereon they lived, as soon as they 
heard the news of the fall of Goa (the principal men, with 
their dependents, having fled up into the mountain country), 
descended, and cut off the Moors' retreat through the 
passes, as they were flying from the fury of the Portuguese. 
And when they had taken from them all they carried, they 
put them all to the sword, without saving any lives. Now, 
in the company of these Turks they killed one who was the 

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treasurer and paymaster of the Hidalcao's forces; and 
from him they took all the money he had. And Afonso 
Dalboquerque ordered that a certain mosque should be 
filled with some Moors whom the Hindoos had taken 
prisoners, and then set on fire, and in this body of people 
was a renegade Christian who deserted to the Hidalc&o 
when Goa was taken for the first time. 

As soon as the despoiling of the land had been accom- 
plished, Afonso Dalboquerque turned his attention without 
delay to the fortifications of the city, and ordered that a 
great quantity of cement should be prepared, and all the 
sepulchres of the Moors thrown down, in order to obtain 
plenty of stone for the works, and to all the captains eaiã fidal- 
gos he appointed a regular turn of duty, and so made great 
haste to complete the work ; for he was fearful of the arrival 
of the Hidalc&o, and would not that he should find him in 
an unprepared state. And, as he hoped to establish in Goa 
the principal seat of the Governors of India, he so arranged 
the plan, that the palace of the Çabaio remained within the 
boundary, because the edifices of it were very nobly designed, 
a work of great beauty and finely built. And by reason of 
this great diligence, in a very short time he completed the 
fortress where it now stands, with its towers and ditches, 
with their breastworks, for the defence of the harbour and 
anchorage of the ships. 

At this time some men were progressing with the de- 
struction of some old walls, in order to get stones for the 
works of defence, when they discovered in the foundations 1 
an image of the crucifix in copper. When the news of 
this ran through the city, Afonso Dalboquerque came down 
at once with all the people and clergy who were with him, 
and they carried the crucifix, with great devotion and many 
tears, to the church. Great wonder was there that then 

1 Alicerces; also found as alicesse and alicece, from the Arabic al-aças, 
the cement of a building. 


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seized upon all beholders ; for within the memory of man 
there was no record of any Christians ever having been at 
that place, and they believed that oar Lord had sent down 
that sign from Heaven, in order to shew that it was his 
will that the kingdom should belong to the King of Portugal 
and not to the Hidalc&o, and that their mosques should be- 
come houses of prayer, 1 wherein his name should be wor- 
shipped. For whereas the city was very strongly garrisoned 
and provided with artillery and arms, and all other things 
necessary for its defence, our people had not been sufficient 
— being so few in number — to take it, had there not been 
within it this signal of the Cross whereon our Lord suffered, 
which called upon them as it were, and gave them the 
power to attack the city; had it not been also for the 
Apostle Sanctiago, who helped them, whereof the very 
Moors bore good testimony, to the effect that after the fall 
of the city they inquired of our men what manner of man 
was that captain with shining armour and a red cross, 
who marched with the Christians, striking and killing the 
Moors, for it was he alone that had taken their city from 

And Afonso Dalboquerque, not only from the great de- 
votion which he had for this saint, but because he was a 
knight of the order of the saint, did not forget this favour 
which he had received from him ; and he sent to the con- 
vent of Palmela 3 a staff of the length of six palms and of 
the thickness of a lance, 8 all overlaid with gold, with inlaid 
work, 4 and the hand of the staff covered with pearls and 

1 Isaiah Ivi, 7 ; Math, xxi, 18 ; Mark xi, 17 ; Luke xix, 46. 

* Palmela, a town in Portugal, south of Lisbon, 88 deg. 34 min. N. ; 
8 deg. 57 min. W. Bluteau gives an interesting account of its history. 
The convent is the head of the Military Order of Santiago, and is kept 
by Brethren of the Rule of St» Augustine. 

8 Arremeçâo. 

4 Lavrado de Tauxia ; Tauxía or ataxia, damaskeening or inlaying of 
one metal upon another; from the Arabic at tauchiya, to colour, to render 

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rubies, and a penitential scourge of very large beads of 
gold, and a shell 1 of gold of good size, with many precious 
stones in it, placed upon a hat of crimson satin ; and at his 
death he bequeathed to the Apostle Sanctiago of Galiza 3 a 
very large lampstand of silver, and a hundred thousand reufi 
in eash for oil. 

When this news of the taking of Goa reached Cambaya, 
and it became known that Afonso Dalboquerque was fortify- 
ing himself therein, with intent to maintain his position, the 
king perceived that his own league was destroyed, and 
therefore ordered the liberation of the prisoners whom he 
had captured when D. Afonso Noronha, the nephew of 
Afonso Dalboquerque, had been taken prisoner, and also 
offered to give up Diu for the site of a Portuguese fortress ; 
and from that time forward the king continually sent am- 
bassadors to treat for peace. And Mirocem, 4 captain of the 
fleet of the Grand Sultan, who was in Cambaya (with some 
of the forces that had escaped from the rout inflicted upon 
them by the Viceroy 6 ), where he was awaiting the relief for 
which he had sent to Cairo, in order to refit his forces at 
Goa, no sooner learned that Goa was taken (and that, too, 
with great havoc among the Turks), than he gave up all 
hopes of bringing his mission to a fortunate termination, 
and obtained permission from the King of Cambaya to go 
to Judá, 6 where he remained for some days, and from that 
port set out for Suez by sea in a shallop,? where he found 

beautiful ; in Portuguese the word has the more limited meaning given 

i Vieira. This word gives the name to a large number of Portuguese 
families. Among others who have borne it, is the author of the well- 
known Portuguese Grammar and Portuguese-English Dictionaries. 

* Gallicia. 

1 About £20 16s. 8d. of English money, — a large sum in those days. 

« See vol. i, p. 222 ; vol. ii, p. 112. 

8 At Diu. See vol. ii, pp. 112, 113, note.— Lusiada, x, 34-36. 

• Djeddah. See vol. i, p. 284. - 

1 Gelua. See jelua, vol. i, p. 226, note. 

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the fleet in progress of preparation. And when Mirocem 
thus arrived at Cairo to impart this news of the taking of 
Goa to the Sultan, orders were given to stop the building 
of the fleet, and no more trouble was taken about it. The 
ambassador of the King of Cambaya was thereupon des- 
patched with orders to report that on the completion of the 
fortress, Afonso Dalboquerque would come and visit the 
king and arrange the terms of peace. And because Afonso 
Dalboquerque was desirous of sounding the wishes of the 
Hidalc&o relative to an alliance, he wrote the following 
letter to him, with certain grandiloquent ideas 1 involved in 
it; for, as long as he governed India, he always availed 
himself, first of one- thing, then of another, in his intercourse 
with the kings. 

Letter which the qreat Afonso Dalboquerque wrote to 
the hldalcao as soon as goa had been taken. 

"Very honourable and good Cavalier Milohau ! the great 
Afonso Dalboquerque, Captain-General of India and of 
the Kingdom and Lordship of Ormuz and of the King- 
dom and Lordship of Goa, for the very high and very 
powerful D. Manuel, King of Portugal and of the Algarves, 
on this side and on that of the sea, in Africa Lord of Guiné, 
and of the Conquest, Navigation, and Commerce of Ethiopia, 
Arabia, Persia, and of India, I send you my greeting. You 
must well know how the Çabayo, your father, used to take 
the ships of Malabar out of the ports and harbours of the 
King my Lord ; wherefore it was that I was constrained to 
go against Goa, and take the city, and there it is that I 
am occupied in building a very strong fortress. I wish 
most sincerely that your father had been living, that he 
might know me to be a man of my word : out of regard for 
him, I shall be ever your friend, and I will assist you 

1 Rebolarias, an uncommon word, probably derived from rebolar, to 
roll about. 

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against the King of Decan, and against your enemies ; and 
I will cause all the horses 1 that arrive here to be carried to 
your stations and youj marts, in order that you may hare 
possession of them. Fain would I that the Merchants of 
your land would come with white stuffs and all manner of 
merchandize to this port, and take to yours in exchange 
merchandize of the sea and of the land, and horses, and I 
will give them a safe conduct. If you wish for my friend- 
ship, let your messengers come to me with your communica- 
tions, and I will send you others on my part, who shall con- 
vey to you my communications : if you will perform this 
which I write unto you, by my aid shall you be able to gain 
possession of much land, and become a great Lord among 
the Moors. Be desirous of performing this, for thus it 
shall be well with you, and you shall have great power; 
and for all that the Çabayo, your father, be dead, I will be 
your father, and bring you up like a son. Let your messen- 
ger bring back immediately to me a reply, and let the 
merchants of the land come under safe-conduct to Goa; and 
as for the Merchants who bring merchandize and come 
under your letters of safe conduct, signed by your hand, I 
will be responsible for their safety ." 


How the Nequibares sent to request a safe conduct from Afonso Dalbo- 
querque, in order that they might come and live at Goa ; and how 
our forces pat to rout Meliqueaye, the captain of the HidalcSo. 

When the Nequibares, who were stationed on the main- 
land, perceived that the great Afonso Dalboquerque was 
establishing himself firmly in Goa, they sent to desire a safe 

1 The horse trade was a great source of employment and revenue on 
the Indian coast.— See vol. ii, pp. 76, 77, 107, 111 ; see also Col. Yule, 
Marco Polo, vol. i, pp. 84, 88, 324, 833, etc., and Index ; 2nd edition. 

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conduct from him in order that they might come over with 
all their people and live in the city. These Nequibares 
were the principal men and captains of the people. Now, 
whereas Afonso Dalboquerque was anxious of gathering to- 
gether into the city all the native Hindoos of the land, he 
was very glad of the offers of these Nequibares, for he was 
in hopes that they would help him in the construction of 
the fortress, so he sent them the safe conduct which they 
had desired him to give ; and when they arrived in Goa he 
gave them houses and possessions according to each one's 
station of life on the mainland. And after he had sent 
messengers to this effect to the Nequibares, news reached 
him that Meliqueaye, 1 captain of the Hidalcão, had arrived 
with a large body of men at Condal, and at Banda, with 
the intention of forcing an entrance into the island of Goa. 
And although Afonso Dalboquerque was fully occupied in 
the work upon the fortress, because he felt so strongly the 
necessity of finishing it as quickly as he could, nevertheless 
he could not endure that a captain of the Hidalc&o should 
come and besiege the lands of Goa while he was in the 
island; he therefore lost no time in despatching Diogo 
Fernandez de Beja to sail into the River of Banda, and dis- 
pute the passage with Meliqueaye in the lands of Antuge 
and Saste. And with him he sent also, as captains of the 
vessels, Aires Pereira, Antonio Dabrea, Gaspar Cfto, and 
Antonio de Matos, with two hundred men. 

Diogo Fernandez, as soon as he was ready, set out with 
his people, and reached Banda, and went up the river, and 
without any further consideration disembarked immediately. 
When Meliqueaye perceived that our men had disembarked, 
he proceeded to attack them, relying upon the numerous 
bodies of Turks who were under his command, and Diogo 
Fernandez waited for them with great bravery, and plied 

1 The first part of this name is Melek, Lord. See vol. ii, pp. 85, 86, 
for names similarly formed. 

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the enemy so fiercely with lances, that the Turks, discon- 
certed by the determined resistance with which our people 
awaited them on foot, took to their horses and retreated in 
so disorderly a manner, that many threw themselves down 
over the ravines and there ended their days. 

With this victory, Diogo Fernandez returned to Goa, and 
related to Afonso Dalboquerque all that had taken place, 
and declared how Meliqueaye was making his way in the 
direction of Divarij, in order to cross over into the island 
[of Goa] in that direction. With this news of the intentions 
of Meliqueaye, which Diogo Fernandez brought him, Afonso 
Dalboquerque forthwith dispatched Gaspar de Pavia to pro- 
ceed to guard that pass, and in company with him there 
went Afonso Pessoa, Martim Guedez, Vasco Fernandez 
Coutinho, and many others. Meliqueaye, finding himsel f dis- 
comfited by the inability of his people, withdrew with the 
shattered remains of his forces, and made his way to essay 
the entrance to the island by the pass of Divarij. But, on 
arriving there, although he went carelessly, with the idea 
that he would not find anyone there to resist him, inasmuch 
as ho was by nature very proud, nevertheless he made up 
his mind to lay siege to the stockades which Gaspar de 
Paiva had by that time constructed, and drew up his forces, 
both infantry and cavalry, in battle array, with himself in 
the front rank, and made his way to attack them. 

But Gaspar de Paiva, who had already received notice of 
the approach of Meliqueaye, awaited the attack with great 
readiness, and at the first encounter his matchlockmen slew 
some of the mounted Turks ; and these, according to their 
custom, used to ride fastened into their saddles with straps, 
so that the horses, having no longer any riders to govern 
them, ran among their own people and threw them into dis- 
order. As soon as Gaspar de Paiva observed that the Turks 
were thrown into confusion, he sallied out of his trenches 
and lost no time in falling upon the enemy, and routed 

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them, and followed up after them for a good space. Yasco 
Fernandez Coutinho, although at that time he was but a 
lad of eighteen years of age, encountered a Turk on a 
horse, and taking him by the reins, raised up his caparison 
and stabbed him with a sword; and when the horse fell 
down dead, he fell upon the Turk, and cut off his head, and 
thus at that day of the fight shewed himself to be a son 
worthy of his sire, a descendant worthy of his ancestors. 

When the affair was thus terminated, Gaspar de Paiva 
withdrew to his stockade, and Meliqueaye, finding himself 
sorely pressed by our men on both sides, no longer ventured 
to attack them, but withdrew with his men two leagues 
away into the interior country, to a place which is called 
Diocalij, and there he pitched his camp, making some very 
strong stockades of wood for its defence, in case he should 
be attacked there. As soon as Afonso Dalboquerque per- 
ceived that Meliqueaye was thus put to rout and it was pro- 
bable, in case of his being attacked at once, that this chief 
might easily fall into his hands, he proceeded himself to 
seek for him, in the place where the camp was pitched, with 
one thousand Portuguese, and two thousand natives com- 
manded by their own captains, and passed over to the 
mainland in the galleys and boats. And as soon as the 
force had disembarked, Afonso -Dalboquerque divided it 
into four battalions, and stationed them in certain passes, 
about the distance from the edge of the sea of a shot from 
a matchlock, and there he arranged an ambush, and ordered 
the captains of the Hindoos to take their soldiers and run 
to the enemy's camp, and in case any Turks should issue 
out after them, they were to retreat in the direction of the 
place where he had placed the ambush. 

The captains of the Hindoos, as soon as they came in 
sight of the camp, found Meliqueaye outside the stockades, 
drawn up on a lofty hill with his army, like a man who was 
well aware of the trap laid for him by Afonso Dalboquerque. 

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But as he was a good captain, and well versed in the art of 
war, he remained perfectly quiet, and would not attack the 
Hindoos. So when the captains observed that Meliqueaye 
did not care to meddle with them, they withdrew to the 
place where Afonso Dalboquerque was waiting (for he had 
given them the order to do so in this case), and related to 
him the position of the affair as they had found it. And 
Afonso Dalboquerque, perceiving thus that Meliqueaye had 
become aware of his plan, proceeded to the Island of 
Divarij, and therein he left Bodrigo Rabelo and Manuel 
de Lacerda, with soldiers, and then he went on to the city. 

After the lapse of a few days, Meliqueaye, who found 
himself not sufficiently strong to be able to resist our 
people if they were to desire to invade him, sent a messenger 
to Afonso Dalboquerque desiring peace with him. But 
Afonso Dalboquerque demanded of the messenger whether 
Meliqueaye held a permission from the Hidalcao to enter 
into negotiations for peace or not. The messenger replied 
that the only message he carried was from Meliqueaye, 
who was a captain of the Hidalcao, and could not enter into 
peace without the permission of the Hidalcao. Afonso 
Dalboquerque therefore dispatched the messenger back 
without any reply, for it appeared to him when he reflected 
upon the disorganised proceedings of Meliqueaye, that his 
stay there could not be in accordance with the wishes of 
the Hidalcao. 


How Merlao came to Goa, and the Nequibares desired Afonso Dalbo- 
querque to give him to them for their governor, and what took 
place thereupon ; and how he ordered Diogo Fernandez de Beja to 
destroy the fortress of Çacotorâ. 

Por some days past, a messenger from the King of Onor 
had been staying in Goa, seeking to conclude an alliance 

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with the great Afonso Dalboquerque ; for this king had 
usurped the kingdom and ejected from it Merlao, to whom 
it belonged by right of being the elder brother ; and there- 
fore the king was very mnch in fear that Afonso Dalboquerque 
would favour Merlao in opposition to him, in consequence 
of the undertaking which he had given to the Portuguese 
to help them in their first enterprise against Goa. As 
soon as Merlao (who at this period was in Baticalá with the 
king, his uncle, in possession of soldiers on foot and horse, 
with the intention of setting out to recover his kingdom 
if he could) became aware that his brother was nego- 
tiating with Afonso Dalboquerque, in order to benefit him- 
self by such an alliance, he sent a messenger with letters 
informing Afonso Dalboquerque of the position in which 
the matter stood, and telling him how his brother had 
risen up against him, and deprived him of the kingdom by 
force, begging Afonso Dalboquerque to help him with his 
alliance, and stipulating that he would serve the King of 
Portugal in all that might be commanded of him. And 
Afonso Dalboquerque accepted his offers, not only because 
his fame was great as a brave cavalier, but also because he 
was a captain whom the Hindoos held in great esteem. 
And this he did with the intention of conferring upon him 
the government of the lands of Goa; for he had been 
brought up there, and had always made war upon the Turks, 
and on two occasions, when he had been besieged by them, 
with his Hindoos alone he had defended the city like a very 
valiant cavalier; and with this determination, because it 
seemed to him to be very conducive to the service of the 
King Dom Manuel to re-establish Merlao and shew him 
favours, Afonso Dalboquerque sent to Baticalá the galleys 
for him, with some vessels for the transport of his men 
and horses. And he also sent two Portuguese captains, 
with two thousand Hindoo soldiers, to go by land and 
receive him at Cintácora, carrying letters to the Tana- 

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dares 1 and people of the lands of Goa, ordering them to 
receive him and obey him as they would Afonso Dalboquer- 
que himself. And all these people did so with great de- 
light, by reason of the estimation in which they held him, 
for they were desirous of being governed by him. 

The brother, who was in Onor, being informed that 
Merlao had come to Cintácora to embark, immediately sent 
some of his people to Caribal and Ancola (two places which 
lie in front of Cintácora, on the opposite side of the river, 
where the Kingdom of Goa is divided from that of Onor), 
to labour to prevent his passage, promising them great re- 
wards if they captured him ; for he was alarmed lest Afonso 
Dalboquerque should assist him in his attempt to cast him 
out of the kingdom. But, notwithstanding all these en- 
deavours which his brother made, Merlao conducted himself 
with such skill, that he passed over without any conflict 
with the soldiers of his brother, and reached Goa (taking 
with him a captain of the King of Narsinga, who was called 
Icarao, who for days past had been in his company, in dis- 
cord with the king), where he was received with great 
pleasure by Afonso Dalboquerque, who ordered that he 
should be lodged in the principal houses of the city, and in- 
structed the factor to supply him with everything he or his 
people should require. 

The Nequibares were so delighted at the arrival of Mer- 
lao, that it was not many days before they went to Afonso 
Dalboquerque [and begged him] to give him to them as 
their governor, for all the people desired him. And Afonso 
Dalboquerque was very glad at this proceeding on their 
part, because this was the principal reason why he had ex- 
tended his assistance to him; so he told the Nequibares 
that for his own part he was glad of it, and he would talk 
with Merlao and then give them a reply. And, on the 
following day, in the morning, Afonso Dalboquerque caused 
1 See vol. ii, p. 125, note. 

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Merlao to be summoned before him, and told him that he 
was desirous of letting him hold the lands of Goa at a yearly 
rental, and of giving him the government of them, provided 
that he would pay every year to the King Dom Manuel, his 
Lord, or to his governors of India, forty thousand pardaos, 1 
in four payments, just as the people had to pay, in addition 
to a payment for three months, which the land still owed to 
the Hidalcão ; for they had to be demanded on the part of 
the King, his Lord. Merlao was very well pleased* 

And when the agreements which were made about this 
matter had been drawn and signed, Afonso Dalboquerque 
summoned before him the Nequibares and all the principal 
men of the Hindoos, and took Merlao by the hand before 
them, and told them that he gave him to them to be their 
governor, for he knew how much they desired to have him, 
and how well they would be treated by him ; and they re- 
ceived Merlao with great pleasure and much festivity and 
blowing of horns, in accordance with their customs. And, 
in two or three days' time, Merlao set out, and crossed over 
to the mainland, taking with him five thousand peons and 
fifty horsemen, and commenced at once to farm his Tana- 

Now, seeing that the fortress of Goa was already in so 
advanced a state that it would withstand all the power of 
the Hidalcão, Afonso Dalboquerque sent Diogo Fernandez 
de Beja, as chief captain of three ships, to dismantle the 
fortress of Çacotorá (as the King D. Manuel so often had 
ordered to be done), and he gave him a set of instructions 
how he was to act in this business, and there he was to re- 
main until the fifteenth day of the month of May, for he 

1 For the value of the pardao, see vol. ii, p. 95. Forty thousand 
pardaos is somewhat more than £3000. 

* Tanadaria is rendered by Vieyra Cabeça de Comarca, the principal 
city or town of a Comarca or district ; in this passage the word appears 
to apply to the office or appointment of a Tanadar. 

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might be enabled to come to him, if the affairs of India per- 
mitted it, as late as this; but if it were to fall out that 
Afonso Dalboquerque could not be with him by that time, 
then Diogo Fernandez de Beja was to proceed to Ormuz, 
with his letters and powers which he carried, in order to 
receive the tribute, for Cogeatar had sent word to say that 
he was willing to pay it ; and when this had been done, he 
was to make his way in the month of August by the route 
to India, and unite with the fleet of Manuel de Lacerda, 
who was to remain as chief captain of the sea while he 
himself (Afonso Dalboquerque) sailed away from India, and 
the two united were to cruise off that coast, for so, if Goa 
fell into any trouble, they could succour the city ; and in 
order that Diogo Fernandez might be the better entertained 
by Cogeatar, Afonso Dalboquerque gave permission to all 
the ships of Ormuz that were in Goa to carry spices, and 
gave them a safe conduct to be enabled to pass, giving them 
to understand that they were to come back direct to Goa 
with the horses they were to bring with them. 

And because Afonso Dalboquerque was in certain re- 
spects impeded and prevented from carrying out his in- 
tended expedition in this direction, Diogo Fernandez de 
Beja, after he had destroyed the fortress of Çacotorá, and 
the appointed period of time had elapsed, made his way to 
Ormuz, and received the tribute, and from that port set 
sail for India, and found Goa besieged by the forces of the 
Hidalc&o, as will be related hereafter. 

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Of the ambassadors whom the Çamorim, after the fall of Goa, sent to 
the great Afonso Dalboquerque, desiring peace with him ; and how 
Simão Rangel was sent upon this business, and what passed con- 
cerning it. 

Whereas the Çamorim had been informed that the great 
Afonso Dalboquerque had captured Goa, and was fortifying 
himself in the city with the intention of retaining possession 
of it, — no longer relying upon the league which had been 
made between himself and the Hidalc&o with the object of 
ejecting the Portuguese from India ; and whereas, too, he 
was aware that the King of Gambaya, another member of 
the league, had sent back to Afonso Dalboquerque the 
Portuguese who had been prisoners in his territory; he 
ordered his ambassadors to repair to Afonso Dalboquerque, 
and they set out from Calicut in a paráo, and in a few days 
reached Goa. And when they had arrived they sent word 
to Afonso Dalboquerque that they had come to his Lordship 
with an embassy from the Çamorim, and begged him of his 
kindness that he would grant them a hearing. 

So in order to give a greater air of importance to this 
business, Afonso Dalboquerque ordered Francisco Pantoja, 
chief alcaide of the fortress, to proceed to the ambassadors 
and bring them ; while he himself waited in the hall of re- 
ception with all the captains and Fidalgos, and received 
them with great expressions of delight and demonstrations 
of being well pleased with their friendship. 

The ambassadors, after shewing him the accustomed 
courtesy according to their manner, told him that the Çamo- 
rim, their Lord, had sent word by them to inform him how 
happy he would be if he could have been able to converse 
with him, so that he could shew him the pleasure he felt in 
the capture of Goa by the Portuguese; and that in conse- 

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quence of his desire of friendship with the King of Portugal 
he had sent to make him an offer of all his estate, if it 
would please him, and a site in the kingdom for the con- 
struction of a fortress, for thus would his friendship be 
more truly manifested ; and begged that a person of great 
confidence might be sent to him to arrange this matter on 
a proper footing. 

Afonso Dalboquerque replied to them that he accepted 
those offers of alliance made by the Çamorim in the name of 
the King of Portugal, his Lord, and on these conditions he 
himself would serve the Çamorim with all his fleets and 
soldiers that were stationed in India, whenever it were re- 
quired, and that he would send without delay, in their com- 
pany, a servant of the King, his Lord, to treat of that matter 
of theirs that had been proposed. And whereas for some 
time Afonso Dalboquerque had been desirous of setting foot 
in Calicut and constructing there a fortress with peace and 
friendship (seeing that he never could get the better of the 
Çamorim in the war which he had carried on against him), 
when three or four days had passed after Afonso Dalboquer- 
que had related to the captains all this business, and all of 
them had arrived at the conclusion that it would be very 
conducive to the service of the King of Portugal that a 
fortress should be constructed in Calicut, he dispatched the 
ambassadors and shewed them every attention in the name 
of the King; and in company with them he sent Simào 
Rangel, servant of the King, in a fusta y with written in- 
structions concerning the way he was to proceed. 

As soon as Simão Rangel arrived at Calicut, he went on 
board the caravela of Simão Afonso which was riding at anchor 
in the harbour, and there he awaited the answer of the King, 
for Afonso Dalboquerque had so commanded him to act. 
When the ambassadors had come before their king, they 
related to him how Afonso Dalboquerque was in Goa with 
great strength of soldiery, and how he was fortifying him- 

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self in that city, and how the Portuguese had discomfited a 
captain of the Hidalc&o, who had come down upon the lands 
of Goa; and that Afonso Dalboquerque had sent in their 
company a servant of the King of Portugal to ratify the 
terms of peace. 

The Çamorim, knowing that Simão Rangel was on board 
the caravela, and was not likely to come on shore, com- 
manded the governors of the city to commune with him, 
and they had many conversations relative to the terms of 
the peace, without being able to arrive at any definite con- 
clusion; for the king was willing only to grant a fortress in 
Chale, whereas Afonso Dalboquerque ordered in his written 
instructions that he was not to accept any site unless it 
were in the harbour of Calicut in front of the king's own 
landing-stage. 1 And it turned out that, after all, they came 
tó no agreement, for the king would not grant any site for 
a fortress in his own land; but only wanted to keep the 
matter open with dissimulations, to the end that, at this 
same season, the Moorish merchants might dispatch their 
ships, which they had laden, for the Straits ; but this they 
could not do as long as the caravelas of the Portuguese fleet 
were lying there at anchor in the harbour. 

When Simão Rangel perceived the object of these delays, 
and that it was all owing to the bad temper and dissimula- 
tion of the king, he ceased to communicate with the gover- 
nors, and went on board the fusta, and shaped his course for 
Goa, where he arrived and gave an account to Afonso Dal- 
boquerque of what had taken place, and related the dilatory 
way in which the Çamorim had carried on the negotiations 
with him. And he declared, too, that in his own opinion 
the king would never, of his own will, grant permission to 
erect a fortress in any site in his land, for all that he might 
offer them a site in Chale. 

But, inasmuch as Afonso Dalboquerque was by this time 
1 Or jetty, Cerame; see vol. i, p. 115. 

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ready with his floet to sail away and cruise off the straits 
[of the Eed Sea] — which projected expedition he afterwards 
abandoned for the voyage to Malaca, as will be related 
farther on — he left this matter opon and in the position it 
now stood, until his return from Malaca, and desired 
Manuel de Lacerda, who was under orders, to remain as 
Chief Captain of the Fleet on that coast [of India] to con- 
tinue ever cruising off the harbour of Calicut, and to harass 
it in every possible way, and prevent any ships from getting 

But while Afonso Dalboquerque was away at Malaca, the 
Turks came down to besiege Goa, and thereby Manuel de 
Lacerda was compelled to quit the coast of Calicut and pro* 
ceed to the assistance of Goa. And at this very time the 
Moors had an opportunity of dispatching their ships, laden 
with spiceries, to the Straits : and these, when they were 
so far advanced as the Island of Çacotorá, between the Cape 
of Guardafum and Magadoxo, 1 encountered a storm so fierce 
that it wrecked two of them, and the others were wrecked 
in that gulf; and Mafamede Maçari, 2 who was sailing in 
that company reached the Maldive Islands. 8 

When the Moorish merchants, who lived in Calicut, per- 
ceived that their trade navigation was thus cut off, they 
departed with their wares, some to Cairo, others to Cam- 
baya, others to Ormuz and to other parts, in such wise that 
very few who were not natives of that place were left re- 
maining in Calicut, and these used to come from Çufim, 4 

1 On the coast of Somali, in Africa. 

* Mafamede Maçari, evidently a corrupted form of the name 

* In the Indian Ocean, 5 deg. N. lat., 73 deg, 30 min. E. long. 

* Çufira, also called by the Portuguese Azafie, and by the natives 
Asfi, is evidently Safie, on the coast of Barbary, 82 deg. 17 min. N.^ 
9 deg. 8 min. W. There is a valuable account of this great city in Le 
Grand Dictionnaire Géographiqne of M. Brazen de la Martiniere. Paris, 
folio, 1768. 

VOL. III. d 

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from Our&o 1 from Tremecim,* and from Tripoli, 8 with their 
wares, to Cairo, and from Cairo they used to make their 
way to Judá, and from Jndá to Calicut, with ready money, 
and there they used to build new ships, and load them with 
spiceries, and so returned to their own lands. 

On one occasion, Afonso Dalboquerque enquired of a Moor 
of these people who had been taken in one of their ships 
which had come from the Straits, how it was that they 
ventured to come from so far off to trade in Calicut, seeing 
that it stood between two of our fortresses, and that they 
were obliged to pass over the very place where our fleets 
were stationed. The Moor replied that the profits were so 
great that they would run all risks to get there ; for, for 
every cruzado laid out in Calicut, they used to make twelve 
or thirteen in Judá and in all the places that stood within 
the mouth of the Straits ; and he stated it was in conse- 
quence of this profit being so great, and the trade in 
pepper being so extensive, that the Moors who were estab- 
lished in Calicut laboured to prevent the Çamorim from 
granting permission to the Portuguese to erect a fortress 
in his territory, for if this were granted to them the 
merchants would be left without any trade navigation to 
the Straits. 

1 OiirSo, now Oran, on the north coast of Africa. See vol. i, 
p. 120. 

* Tremecim, also called Tremecem, Telemicen, Telmsen, Tlemecen, 
or Tlemcen, and anciently Timisi, a town fifty miles S. W. of Oran, 34 
deg. 52 min. N., 1 deg. 18 min. W. See K. Johnston's Dictionary of 
Geography ; Hitter's Geographisch-Statistisch Lexicon, by A. Stark, Leip- 
zig, 1865 ; and M. Brazen de la Martiniere's work quoted above, where 
there is an interesting notice of the site. 

* Tripoli, on the north coast of Africa. 
« Jidda, See vol. i, p. 234. 

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How the King of Narsinga sent his ambassadors to visit Afonso 
Dalboquerque concerning the capture of Goa ; and of the news 
which Fr. Luiz communicated to him, and what passed thereafter. 

After that the great Afonso Dalboquerque sent Fr. Luiz 
to Narsinga, — following the disaster of Calicut (as I have 
already related), — he never received any news of how things 
had fared with him in respect to the instructions which he 
carried with him ; but when Goa had been taken for the 
second time, as soon as the news reached Narsinga the 
king immediately ordered his ambassadors to pay a visit to 
Afonso Dalboquerque, and by means of them Fr. Luiz 
wrote to him, relating the manner of his arrival at Nar- 
singa, and stating that, in other letters which he had 
written he had described how he had been well received by 
all except the king; and, on this occasion, he desired to 
inform Afonso Dalboquerque that the King of Narsinga 
was getting himself ready with five thousand men on foot 
and two thousand on horse, for an expedition against one of 
his vassals who had risen up in rebellion and seized the city 
of Pergundá, 1 (the rebel) declaring that to himself belonged 
the kingdom itself by right; and that directly he had taken 
the rebel the king would proceed with all this force of men to 
his places situated on the edge of the sea, and he (Fr. Luiz), 
for his part, could not understand the drift of this, but as 
Goa was so close by he would advise Afonso Dalboquerque 
to keep up friendly communications with the king, and by 
no means to place any reliance upon the King of Garçopa, 
nor upon Timoja, for they were men of such bad dispositions 
that they had even written to the King of Narsinga that, 
if he wished to regain possession of Goa, — for it had 

1 Pergundá, perhaps Purkundi, in the Bengal Presidency, 30 deg. 28 
min. N., 79 deg. 4 min. E. 


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anciently belonged to the ancestors of the king — he must 
send them both infantry, and cavalry, and elephants, and 
then they would deliver the city over to him before the 
Portuguese could fortify their position therein. And, he 
went on to say, that he had received trustworthy news that 
the Hidalcão had set forth with a large force to attack the 
city of Calbergate, 1 the Guazil of which was an Abyssinian 
eunuch, a servant of the King of Decam, 2 by name Melique 
Distur, 8 and, as it could not withstand the siege, after two 
months it had surrendered upon certain conditions ; and 
there had risen up against the Hidalcão four of the principal 
Guazils of the kingdom (for the Hidalcão carried back with 
him the King of Decam a prisoner, deprived of all his com- 
mand), who had gone up against him with a numerous force 
in hopes of destroying him ; and when these Guazils arrived 
at a certain watercourse which they could not pass they let 
themselves rest and there remained ; but the Hidalcão, out 
of fear of them, had sent for the soldiers who were on duty 
in guarding the lands of Goa. 

And Fr. Luiz went on to declare that there had also 
arrived news to the King of Narsinga that the principal 
Hindoos of the city of Bilg&o* (as soon as they had heard of 
the capture of Goa and fortification of it by the Portuguese) 
had broken out into rebellion against the Hidalcão, and had 
cast the Moors out of the city, and put themselves under 
the command of the king [of Narsinga], for this city had 

' Kulburga % GoWurga, or Caiberga, in the Nizam's dominions, Bengal 
Presidency, 17 deg. 20 min. N., 76 deg. 52 min. E. The latter part of 
the name, according to the Portuguese rendering, may be intended to 
signify Ghaut. * The Deccan. 

8 This is manifestly the Portuguese rendering of Melek Distur. The 
first word has been frequently explained before, lhe word distur is of 
Persian origin, and is used both in the Persian and Arabic languages to 
signify a minister ; here, however, it appears rather as a proper name 
than as a title. 

4 Belgâon, Belgaum, or Belganw y in the Bombay Presidency, 15 deg. 
50 min. N., 74 deg. 31 min. E. 

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formerly belonged to him, but the Hidalcâo had taken it from 

Bilgâo is a very large city, and there is in it a very large 
fort, and it is a pass and principal port from the kingdom 
of Decam to Goa. There is a very extensive mountain range 
which overlooks the lands of Goa, just as the range of 
Algarve [in Portugal] looks over the plain of Ourique, and 
when this range has been crossed the kingdom of Decam 
lies all along flat table-land, like the same plain. And be- 
cause the principal reason why the old Çabayo had obtained 
possession of Goa was that he had captured this fortress 
by treachery of the Hindoos who used to hold it, Afonso 
Dalboquerque used to say very often, when he found himself 
annoyed by the recalcitration of the Hidalcâo, that if the 
king D. Manuel desired to keep the kingdom of Goa safe, 
he ought by all means to try all in his power to take this 
fortress, for by holding it he would secure all the estate he 
had there. And as for the nogotiations which his instruc- 
tions ordered him to carry out, he had presented them many 
times without getting any answer to the purpose, but always 
had been put off; but at last he had told him, that he was 
very much disconcerted at the orders for attacking him, and 
he might build a fortress in Batacalá, for he said that he 
was very desirous of his friendship at the very time that 
he knew that it had been entered into with the Hidalcâo, 
but that did not agree with the offers that he had made to 
help him in taking the kingdom of Decam, which had been 
his of old. And when these interviews with the king were 
over, the king sent for the governor of the city, and blamed 
him very much for desiring this alliance with the Hidalcâo. 
And that King of Garçopa had written him a letter by 
virtue of which he could take him and destroy him if he 
liked, but as they were now very friendly, he had not done 
so ; but that if this were done for money, which he had 
promised to give him every year, the Hidalcâo would show 

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towards them that true faith which his father had shown 
towards the King of Narsinga when he took him in battle, 
but released him on his promise to serve him for ever. 

At the receipt of this intelligence, which Fray Lniz wrote of 
matters which had passed with the King of Narsinga, and 
with his governor, Afonso Dalboquerque became somewhat 
in suspense when he saw that he was withdrawing from that 
which he had so often declared, namely, to help him against 
the Hidalcâo. But as he knew how this came about, he 
dissembled with him, and wrote to Fray Luiz by the same 
ambassador who had brought him the letter, to take his 
leave of the king with as much dissimulation as he could, 
and return immediately ; and he put himself in communica- 
tion with the Hidalcâo, declaring that he desired friendship 
with him. For, in order that the affairs of India should 
progress satisfactorily, as was convenient to the King of 
Portugal, Afonso Dalboquerque always laboured to make 
each one of these lords understand that he desired to have 
peace and friendship and the trade in horses with him, 
which was what they claimed ; for, whereas he held the key 
of their position at Goa, he desired by means of this artifice 
to sow dissensions among them. 

After he had written to the Hidalcâo, he sent off to the 
ambassadors of the King of Narsinga, sending word by them 
that a year ago he had sent certain conditions to him through 
Fray Luiz, but as he had not yet received any reply to them, 
he could not come to any conclusion with regard to the mes- 
sages that had been sent. The ambassadors set out, and 
when they arrived at Bisnaga, they found Fray Luiz was 
dead, for a Turk had killed him, and it was reported that the 
Hidalcâo had ordered his murder; and they delivered the 
message which they brought from Afonso Dalboquerque to 
the king, and told him that while at Goa they had discovered 
that he was communicating with the Hidalcâo. So alarmed 
was the King of Narsinga at hearing of this alliance, for he 

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knew that the Hidalcâo had the horses which was the princi- 
pal strength of his arrpy, that he immediately sent back the 
two ambassadors to the great Afonso Dalboquerque with 
very full powers to conclude a treaty of friendship, and to 
arrange the terms of the trade in horses. 


How the great Afonso Dalboquerque set in order certain matters in the 
city, and established a Mint there, and of what followed. 

The great Afonso Dalboquerque was so desirous that Goa 
should return to the state of trade which it had always 
enjoyed when under the rule of the Çabayo, that so soon as 
the fortress was on the point of completion he dispatched 
several captains along the coast with orders to compel all 
the ships they met with to go into port at Goa, and this he 
did for two reasons. The first was, that he might benefit 
the harbour and re-people the city to its former number of 
population ; and that the caravans of Narsinga and of the 
kingdom of the Decam, with their merchandise, might come 
to Goa in search of horses as they used of old to come (for 
the horses of this region are much esteemed and fetch a 
great price, because, apait from the need of them for mili- 
tary purposes, the captains and principal lords are in the 
habit of carrying their wives about on horses). The other 
reason was, that he might ruin the harbour of Baticalá, 
which had become very noble through the horse-trade and 
the quantity of merchandise which flowed into it from Or- 
muz. For he considered that if the horse-trade were estab- 
lished in Goa, there would always be in the city from four 
to five hundred horses belonging to the merchants which he 
could make use of in case of urgency. And in consequence 
of the diligence which Afonso Dalboquerque set about this 
matter, and because he had ordered that houses in the city 

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should be given to the principal merchants for the better 
arrangement of their merchandise, merchant ships began 
immediately to Sock from many quarters to the harbour of 
Goa, some coming from Ormuz with horses. And with a 
view to improving this state of business, he gave orders for 
the construction of some great stables, and organised a ser- 
vice of three hundred peons of the district, whose duty it 
was to transport grass, hay, and supplies for horses. And 
with the object of providing return cargoes for the merchants, 
so that they should not be compelled to seek a cargo in any 
other port, he commanded the Factor and officials to take 
care always to have in the Factory pepper, cloves, and ginger, 
and all the other kinds of merchandise which the merchants 
were likely to require, and in the clearing papers which, they 
delivered with the cargoes whenever the merchants desired 
to set sail, it was to be set forth that the ships were to be 
bound for Ormuz and to no other port, for it was Afonso 
Dalboquerque's desire to destroy the commerce of the 

In consequence of the liberty which the Moors had of 
loading their ships with spices at Goa, all the merchants 
came there to settle their trade. And in one of these 
ships which brought horses Cogeamir 1 was found, to whom 
Afonso Dalboquerque, on the occasion of his taking Goa for 
the first time, had given two ships laden with merchandise 
to make the voyage to Ormuz. This man was now bring- 
ing back horses in exchange for his merchandise, and 
when he arrived at India and learned that the Moors of 
Goa had risen up against Afonso Dalboquerque, and had 
driven him out of the city, he had made his way to Dabul 
and gone to make a present of the horses to the Hidalcão. 
But when Afonso Dalboquerque was informed that this 
man was arrived, he ordered his people to arrest him be- 
cause of the treachery he had been guilty of, and with him 
1 See vol. ii, p. 110. 

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was taken also one of his sons, and they were put in chains, 
and all their goods seized, among them being twenty -five 
horses, which were forthwith put into the Factory. 

After having arranged all these matters, Afonso Dalbo- 
querque established a chief office wherein could be coined 
money of silver, gold, and copper, of the same standard 
which had been settled with the people and the merchants 
of the city when Goa was captured for the first time. 1 And 
with this end in view, he commanded that all the Moorish 
money should be brought to the Mint and be stamped with 
the dies of the King of Portugal, and he gave to these coins 
the same names that they had, as has been declared already. 2 
This Mint was farmed out to a Chetim 8 from Baticalá, at the 
rent of six hundred thousand reis,* and Álvaro Godinho, 
a married householder of Goa, was appointed Treasurer of 
the Mint, and all the other offices were filled up with chief 
men who were married, with a view to encouraging the 
people to many and people the land. 5 For, already at this 
time there were in Goa about four hundred and fifty mar- 
ried men, all servants of the King, and of the Queen, and 
of the Lords of Portugal : and those who desired to marry 
were so numerous, that Afonso Dalboquerque could hardly 
grant their requests, for he did not give permission except 
for the men of proved character to marry. But in order 
to favour this work, as it was entirely of his own idea, 
and also because they were men of good character, and 
had deserved by their good services that this privilege 
should be granted to them, he extended the permission to 
marry far beyond the powers which had been assigned by 
the king D. Manuel, for the women with whom they mar- 
ried were the daughters of the principal men of the land. 

And he granted this favour, among other reasons, in 

» See vol. ii, p. 128. * See vol. ii, pp. 129, 130. 

» See vol. ii, p. 130, note 2. * About £125. 

* See vol. ii, p. 99. 

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r X 


order that when the Hindoos observed what he did for 
their daughters, and nieces, and sisters, they might with 
better willingness turn Christians ; and for this reason he 
would not suffer any of the women to be enslaved, but 
ordered that they should all be taken away from the masters 
who had possession of them ; and he divided among all the 
married ones, the lands, houses, and cattle, and everything 
else that there was, to give them a start in life ; and if the 
women whom he thus gave in marriage asked for the houses 
which had been in possession of their fathers or their hus- 
bands, he ordered that these should be so given, and therein 
they found many jewels and gold-pieces which had been 
hidden underground and abandoned when the city was cap- 
tured. And as for the landed property which, according to 
information he obtained, had been in possession of the 
Moorish mosques and the Hindoo pagodas, he gave them 
all to the principal church of the city, which he dedicated 
to the protection of Sancta Qathenna, on whose feast-day 
Qur Lord had given him the victory over that city. 1 But 
in this matter of giving permission for marriages, Afonso 
Dalboquerqne experienced much opposition, for there were 
many who disapproved of his thus maintaining Goa. The 
chief opponents in this were Lourenço Moreno, the Factor 
of Cochim, and Antonio Real, Chief Alcaide, and Gaspar 
Pereira, and Diogo Pereira, who, not content with meeting 
together and taking counsel upon this business, even went 
so far as to write to the king D. Manuel, setting forth their 
arguments how that the king ought to give orders for its 
prevention. And the principal reason they gave, was that 
it created many expenses, for they thought that if it were 
shown to entail loss of state property the king would be 
stirred to more rapid action in this matter. 

And Afonso Daiboquerque appointed as captain of the 
fortress Rodrigo Rabelo, who was a very brave cavalier ; 
1 Sec vol. i, Introduction, p. i. 

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and Francisco Pantoja, chief Alcaide ; and Francisco Cor- 
vinel, a Florentine by birth, factor. The scriveners of the 
Factory were Jofto Teixeira, son of João Paçanha of Alen- 
qner (who accompanied Afonso Dalboquerque in the first 
capture of Goa), and Vicente da Costa (son of Master Afonso 
who had been chief physician to king D. Manuel), married 
in Goa. And he laid down rules for the inhabitants of the 
city, with regard to the appointment of judges, municipal 
officers, 1 and superintendent of weights and measures, 8 
every year. 

And when all these thiugs have been thus ordained (as 
well as others which I omit, to avoid seeming unnecessarily 
long), the great Afonso Dalboquerque began to make his 
fleet ready, with the intention of not passing the winter in 
Ooa, because of the dearth of supplies therein, and because 
there was not enough money to pay his men. And he 
determined to set forth in that direction where he could be 
of most service to the king. And he left four hundred 
soldiers to guard the fortress of Goa, and a great quantity 
of artillery, both large and small, gunpowder, saltpetre, and 
sulphur, and a machine in working-order for making as 
much as might be required, and eighty mounted men, 
married and settled in Goa. Duarte de Mello was appointed 
chief captain of the sea, with four ships and three galleys, 
under orders to cruise along the coast and provide the city 
with whatever was required ; and when Manuel de Lacerda 
should arrive, whom Afonso Dalboquerque would leave to 
be chief captain of a fleet in Cochim, with all his powers, 
then Duarte de Mello was to obey him as if he were Dalbo- 
querque himself. And for payment of all these people and 
fleets, he assigned the twelve thousand cruzados which 
Merlao had undertaken to pay for the rent of the island. 

1 Vereadores. 

* Almotaceis: there is an older form, almoçábel; al-mehtasib, Arab. 

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Of the proceedings of the Bendará, Governor of Malaca, when he heard 
that Goa had been taken, and of the news which Ray de Araújo, 
who was in captivity there, wrote to the great Afonso Dalbo- 

Inasmuch as Goa was very much renowned in all the 
parts and kingdoms of India, the news Boon spread through 
the merchants of Calicut, informing all the kings how the 
great Afonso Dalboquerque had taken the city and driven 
the Turks out of it. When this news reached Malaca, the 
Bendará who governed the kingdom for the king his nephew, 
fearing lest Afonso Dalboquerque should determine to come 
to Malaca and exact vengeance for the treason and spolia- 
tion which had been practised upon the Portuguese, 1 — with 
his accustomed dissimulation and subtlety, — lost no time in 
providing his city with quantities of supplies, and went to 
Buy de Araújo and the other captives who had been put 
into a house and very badly treated, and told them, without 
saying anything about the current state of affairs in India, 
that the tumult which had arisen against the Portuguese 
had not been brought about by his design nor by his orders, 
but that the Guzerates and Jaos had planned it without 
his knowledge, because they were afraid that the Portu- 
guese would treat them badly whenever they went out of 
their port, and he further declared that it was his intention 
to punish these people severely, because he desired very 
much to be on friendly terms with the Portuguese, and to 
see them carrying on a trade with Malaca. 

When this interview was at an end, the Bendará gave 

orders to take the prisoners into a house outside the city, 

which was not so dismal as the one they had occupied. 

When Ninachatu, a Hindoo resident of Malaca, who had 

1 See vol. ii, pp. 73, 74. 

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frequently performed many good services to our people 
daring their captivity, heard this news of the taking of Goa, 
he made his way to the Bendará, and told him that if Goa 
had been taken by the Portuguese — as the report went — he 
was afraid that the Governor of India would desire to come 
to the land [of Malaca] to take vengeance for what had 
been done therein to the Captain of the King of Portugal ; 
and therefore it was his opinion that it would be advisable 
to order the liberation of Buy de Araújo and his companions, 
and to treat them very kindly, for it might even be that a 
time might come when they would be glad to use these men 
for mediation. This advice, which Ninachatu gave, pleased 
the Bendará, and he gave orders for the release of the 
Portuguese, and gave them a house wherein they might 
live, and ten thousand calains 1 worth of Cambayan stuffs, of 
that which had been taken from the fleet of Diogo Lopez de 
Sequeira, 9 to trade with, and support themselves from their 
profits, for this was the custom of the king with his slaves ; 
and it was signified to them that this property was assigned 
to them for their support, but when the Portuguese ships 
should arrive, then their accounts should be settled, and all 
the loss that they had sustained there should be made good. 
This time-serving 3 policy, which the Bendará used in his 
dealings with Buy de Araújo and his companions, was not only 
the result of the entreaties of Ninachatu, but also because 
there was a junk ready to set sail for India, and he wanted 
the news to be taken there by it how well he was treating 
the Portuguese whom he had captured ; and so said some 
Moors, who were his friends, to Buy de Araújo. But they 
said also that as soon as the junk had set sail, all that the 
Bendará had granted to them would be taken away again, 
and they would be again cast into prison, and even if the 
Bendará did not do so it would be solely out of fear 

1 Calains. The word Calaim signifies a very fine kind of Indian copper. 
« See vol. ii, page 74. * Viztude. 

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of what he had heard of the progress of Afonso Dalbo- 

When Buy de Araújo came to know this, he determined 
to send word to Afonso Dalboqnerqne of all that had taken 
place in Malaca, and arranged his plans with a Moor who 
was named Abedalla, 1 and through him he wrote that he 
would have Afonso Dalboquerque to know there were nine- 
teen Portuguese alive, and the Bendará had tried many 
times to force them to tnrn Moors, and did many cruel 
things to them on this account, and behaved very cruelly 
to them on this account. But the Bendará was in a great 
dread, lest he (Afonso Dalboquerque) should make his way 
to Malaca, for he was not liked by any of the kings whose 
territory was contiguous to his own, and all were obliged to 
oppose him because he was a great tyrant and practised 
constant robberies upon the merchants who had any inter- 
course with that port. And if he (Afonso Dalboquerque) 
should make up his mind to go to Malaca, then it ought 
only to be with the greatest fleet possible, to the end that 
the sea and land both should obey him when they beheld 
the great power of the King of Portugal in those regions ; 
and if any junk should be captured in their passage for 
Malaca, no cruelty onght to be done to the people taken in 
them, only they should be kept captive, and on arriving at 
the port he ought to send some of them on land with orders 
to convey to the Bendará the message that he (Afonso Dal* 
boquerque) was not minded to make war upon Malaca nor 
to take any of her possessions, provided that the king 
would make a treaty of peace and friendship with him, and 
deliver up the Christians, and put himself under the orders 
of the King of Portugal ; for the Bendará had determined, 
directly he should be informed of the arrival of our fleet on 
the coast, to send all the captains off immediately four 
leagues' distance up into the interior country, until terms 
1 Cf. Abedalá, vol. i, p. 121. 

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could be arranged, for he was afraid that if they remained 
on the spot they would give Afonso Dalboquerque intelli- 
gence of many events. But as for past events, after that day 
of his misfortunes, and of the departure of Diogo Lopez de 
Sequeira from that port, he would not write too minutely, 
for all was overwhelmed by the bad treatment they had 
received from the Bendará in their captivity up to the 
present day. It was true, indeed, that the Bendará had 
thought good to give them a home in which they were all 
living, and ten thousand calains 1 worth of merchandise, 
whereof they were to support themselves by the profits, 
declaring that he was ready, on his part, to make good to 
them all the loss they had received when Afonso Dalboquer- 
que, on his part, should reimburse him for the loss, on the 
other hand, which he had experienced from the attacks 
made by Portuguese ships on his junks ; and declaring, too, 
that he had punished the Guzerates and Jaos who had been 
guilty of treason, in such a manner that henceforth they 
would never again dare to do so, for (said the Bendará), he 
was very desirous of the friendship of the King of Portugal, 
and wished to become his vassal. And (Buy de Araújo 
continued) as for these things and many more of which he 
did not write, as he did not take any notice of them, the 
Bendará every day made a thousand excuses ; but he him- 
self, and all his fellow captains with him, begged him 
(Afonso Dalboquerque), for the love of God, to keep them 
in remembrance, and rescue them out of this captivity, and 
to cause to be given to the Moor, the bearer of the letter, 
twenty cruzados out of his effects, for he had lent it to the 
captives to buy food, and to show him kindness; for, besides 
his always helping them and accompanying them, he had 
consented, with very little persuasion, to undertake the 
journey, seeing that he ran a very great risk of his life if 
he had been discovered, but he trusted in the kindness 

" See p. 45. 

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which Afonso Dalboquerque would shew him for it; and 
that Ninachatu took the opportunity to beg him, of his great 
kindness, that he would not let the Moors of Cochim know 
what he had done for the captives in Malaca, for he feared 
lest they should write to the Bendará and do him an injury 
for it ; for it was Ninachatu who had given the captives an 
opportunity of writing, and of despatching the Moor with 
the letter; but if it were so disposed that his Lordship, 
Afonso Dalboquerque, could not possibly get to Malaca by 
any reasonable manner, then that he would send them word 
of it as secretly as he could, before the Moors could get in- 
telligence of the impossibility of his going, for he trusted 
that Our Lord would grant them a means of going from 
that to some other place safe and free to make their way 
back again to India. 


How the Captains of the Fleet of Diogo Mendez requested him to 
set out for Malaca ; and of what passed with them, and how he 
begged Afonso Dalboquerque to grant him permission to go ; and 
of the reasons wherefore it was not granted. 

The captains of the fleet of Diogo Mendes, seeing that 
the fortress of Goa was quite finished, and the affairs of the 
city continuing to become more and more in order, and 
being desirous of performing their voyage, went to him and 
declared to him that their ships were those of merchants 
who had struck a contract with the king D. Manuel, to go 
to Malaca, and take in a cargo, and that up to that present 
time there had always been some excuse for the delay of 
their setting sail because the monsoon had not yet come ; 
but now that they were having this wind, and the business 
of Goa was finished, in which, indeed, all had served the 
king very well, they ought to proceed. 

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Diogo Mendes replied to them that he liked their advice 
very much, but it was necessary to give an account of the 
proposed starting to Afonso Dalboquerque, not only as a 
compliment, but in order that the opportunity might be 
taken to get him to supply the ships with some things which 
were necessary for that voyage, and they had given their 
fealty to him, and could not sail out of that port with his 
licence. 1 Dinis Cerniche, like a foreigner, and one who had 
more regard for his profit than for his honour, replied that 
those compliments might be dispensed with, for in the 
contract which the merchants made with the king he had 
therein given them exemption from the jurisdiction of Afonso 
Dalboquerque and all other governors of India. But in- 
asmuch as Diogo Mendez was an experienced man, although 
in this matter he erred in what he did by advice of the 
captains, masters, and pilots of his fleet, dismissing from 
his mind the arguments advanced by Dinis Cerniche, he went 
to Afonso Dalboquerque and told him that while they were 
in Cananor he, Afonso Dalboquerque, had said that on the 
completion of the Goa undertaking, and on arrival of the 
time of the monsoon, permission should be accorded for his 
departure to Malaca, and he would give him everything 
that he required for his voyage ; and that as Our Lord had 
given him the city thus gained with so much honours for 
himself, and he, Diogo Mendez, was no longer required 
there, therefore he begged him very much of his kindness 
to dispatch him, and give him licence to set forth, for when 
he looked into the conditions whereby the merchants had 
contracted with the king, he found he could not put any 
hindrance in the way of their performing their voyage, but 
on the other hand his captains would murder him if he did 
not go ; and they made every day formal requisitions to 
him that they might set out, but he did not wish to do so 
without Afonso Dalboquerque's consent. 
1 See vol. ii, pp. 232, 233. 


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Afonso Dalboquerque replied that it was true he had 
promised at Cananor to dispatch him directly the business 
of Goa was completed ; but when he had made that promise 
he was not aware of the condition in which the affairs of 
Malaca were, and that it was but a few days since he had 
received a letter from Ruy de Araújo, giving him an account 
of the state of that country, and declaring that in case he 
had to navigate to those parts it must be with so powerful 
a fleet that everything should yield to it ; and when he con- 
sidered this, and saw in how difficult a position the affairs 
of Malaca were placed, 1 he must beg him of his kindness 
not to be desirious of risking his vessels and the people 
he had brought with him, for should any disaster happen to 
them both would have to bear the blame, since it was plain, 
from what had happened to Diogo Lopez de Sequeira, 2 that 
they could not open up any commerce with Malaca except 
by exchange of lance-thrusts, 8 and this could not be effected 
by four rotten ships and two rusty swords. And there were 
two reasons why he could not help him with his soldiers and 
his fleet : — the first, because affairs at Goa were, as he could 
see for himself, in so delicate a condition ; the second, that 
there was news of the coming of the Rumes, which had set 
the whole of India in an uproar ; but when these disturb- 
ances were over he promised he would help him, as he had 
already promised. After many conversations with Afonso 
Dalboquerque, who was determined not to grant him per- 
mission to go, Diogo Mendez took leave of him discon- 
tented, and when he arrived at his ship the captains came 
on board to hear what had taken place, except Baltezar da 
Silva, who remained behind ill at Cananor. Diogo Mendez 
gave them an account of what had been said by Afonso 

1 Os negócios de Alaldca estarem de má desistão. The latter word is 
equivalent to digestão, and the phrase signifies u of a hard, indigestible, 
untractable character". * See vol. ii, pp. 81, 78, 74. 

* A troco de lançadas. There is here a play on the word troco, which 
also signifies " exchange'' in a commercial sense. 

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Dalboquerque, and with this reply all came to the deter- 
mination of setting oat without making any further demand 
for permission to do so. 


How Diogo Mendez, by the advice of his captains, hoisted sail to pass 
over the bar, and the great Afonso Dalboquerque sent after him, 
and they made him turn back, and the rest which took place. 

Now inasmuch as the captains were ill pleased because 
the great Afonso Dalboquerque had denied them the per- 
mission to depart which Diogo Mendez had begged of him, 
and as they held firm to their opinion that he could neither 
demand their submission to his orders nor could they profess 
it to him, because they had come out under exemption from 
the orders of the Governor of India, they therefore de- 
termined to set their sails and shape their course in a 
straight line for Malaca. And because they had some nfis- 
giving about sailing out over the bar at night, Manuel Pirez, 
who held the office of pilot and captain of Baltezar da Silva's 
ship, declared that he could lead all the vessels out over the 
bar, even if it were at midnight, and could take them to 
Malacca, and return to Portugal without touching at India 
at all on the return journey. 

At this declaration made by Manuel Pirez, immediately 
on the fall of night all set their sails except Pero Goresma, 
who was not in this plot and kept quietly aloof. Now 
Manuel Pirez, whose vessel could sail very well on a bow- 
line, found no difficulty in sailing at once right over the bar, 
but the others kept on tacking until the morning broke. 
As soon as Afonso Dalboquerque was informed that Diogo 
Mendez had gone off, he immediately sent after him Duarte 
da Silva and James Teixeira in two galleys, and Manuel de 
Lacerda along the shore with a party of mounted men, to 


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make their way to the bar and take up and get into any 
boats that might be there, and force him to stop ; and he 
gave instructions both to one party and the other, that 
in case the fugitives would not give heed to this, their com- 
mand, then they were to sink them all. 

On coming up with Diogo Mendez, James Teixeira re- 
quired him, on behalf of Afonso Dalboquerque, to return, 
but the former, who was still fully resolved to go, would 
not yield when called upon to do so. So when James 
Teixeira perceived that he would not pay any attention to 
the commands of Afonso Dalboquerque, he called out to 
Martim Afonso, who was the pilot of the fugitive vessel, to 
give orders for taking in their sails, but he replied that only 
if Diogo Mendez, who was properly his chief captain, should 
order him to do so would he do it. So perceiving that 
neither by fair nor by foul means could he prevail upon 
Diogo Mendez to return, he aimed a shot at him, high up 
over the rigging, and then ordered another shot to be fired ; 
but at this juncture there arrived Duarte da Silva in the 
other galley, and fired a shot at the fugitive ship and struck 
her on the halliards, and down fell the main yard all at once. 

When Diogo Mendez perceived that his mainsail was 
disabled, he signalled to the others to take in their sails, 
and he let go his anchor. As soon as Manuel Pirez saw 
that the flagship of this fleet had struck her sails, he came 
up alongside of her and asked Diogo Mendez for further 
instructions; and he replied that all he could do was to 
shorten sail, and then they must all go back and pay the 
penalty for what they had done, in accordance with the 
advice given by him and the other captains. And while the 
matter was in this state Pero Dalpoem, Auditor of India, 
came up in a paráo, and when Manuel de Lacerda saw him 
he proceeded to unite with him, and they took Diogo Mendez 
and all the other captains, pilots, and masters, and carried 
them back as prisoners to the city. 

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Afonso Dalboquerque, who had already received intelli- 
gence of the progress of the affair by a messenger, whom 
Manuel de Lacerda had despatched by land, caused Diogo 
Mendez to be brought into his presence, and told him that 
he was exceedingly astonished* to think that he should thus 
break the word of honour which he had given, and disobey 
his captain-general before all the ambassadors of the kings 
and lords of India, who were in that place, by the advice of 
four lunatics 1 in his fleet, when it had been already decided 
that it was not advantageous to the service of the king 
that he should be permitted to go to Malaca. And Diogo 
Mendez replied that he had done this,' not with the inten- 
tion of acting disobediently towards him, but because his 
honour had compelled him to do as he had done, for he> 
being a man accustomed to very great deeds, had been 
sent out, like an ordinary esquire, with two boats to rein- 
force the Island of Chorão, 2 upon which the Turks had made 
a descent. 

Afonso Dalboquerque told him that that was not a valid 
excuse, for no honourable man who was a cavalier like him- 
self would think of feeling dishonoured at being ordered to 
fight for the service of his king, and he reminded him that 
he had despatched on that same expedition to Chorão Manuel 
de Lacerda, the chief captain of the king's fleet, with other 
boats, and he had not thought it any affront to be engaged 
in it. And, he continued, this affair was very serious, and 
of such a character that he should not be performing his 
duty if he failed to visit it with its just punishment, which 
he for his part intended to carry out to the full ; and there 
and then he sent him under arrest to the keep of the castle. 8 
And as for the other captains, pilots, and masters, he 

1 Sandeos. 

* One of the many islands that lie near that of Goa, and make up the 
Goa territory. 

* A torre de menagem. See vol. i, p. 45. 

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ordered them to be put into chains, and in solitary confine- 
ment, and gave orders to Pero Dalpoem to draw up, as 
briefly and quickly as he might, a formal account of this 
affair, for there were in Goa at that time ambassadors of the 
king of Narsinga and of other kings of India, who had wit- 
nessed the disobedience which had been shown to Afonso 
Dalboquerque ; and he did not wish that they should depart 
without first of all observing the punishment which he should 
visit upon them in consequence. 

And when the final inquiry had been made, and all was 
drawn up, Afonso Dalboquerque commanded that all the 
captains should be summoned ; and, having taken notice of 
the charges brought against them by the Auditor, it was 
adjudged that Diogo Mendez be sent back in disgrace to 
Portugal, to appear and answer to the acts of accusation for 
his misdeeds in person before the king D. Manuel, and 
Pero Coresma was also to be sent back in disgrace to 
Portugal, although he was not in the plot, because he did 
not divulge the intended flight of Diogo Mendez ; and Dinis 
Cerniche was condemned to be put to death by decapita- 
tion, and Martim Afonso, chief pilot, and Manuel Pirez, pilot 
and captain of the ship of Baltezar da Silva, and Diogo 
Fernandez, master of Dinis Cerniche's ship, all three to be 
imprisoned in their ships, of which they were but lately 
masters and pilots ; and these sentences upon them were 
carried out forthwith that very day ; and when Afonso Dal- 
boquerque ordered the execution of Dinis Cerniche to be 
carried out, the ambassadors of the King of Narsinga came 
and begged him to forgive him, which he did, commuting 
this punishment into transportation to Portugal in disgrace, 
there to answer in person the formal charges of misdeeds 
brought against him. 

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How the great Afonso Dalboquerque set sail for the Straits of Meca 
with his fleet, and finding he could not cross the shoals of Padua, 
stood off Goa and made his way direct to Malaca. 

Although the king D. Manuel had very often written to 
the great Afonso Dalboquerque to go up the Straits of the 
Bed Sea and erect a fortress in Adem, the affairs of Goa 
occupied so much of his time and thoughts that he never 
yet had any opportunity before now of taking this enter- 
prise in hand. And although the letter which Buy de 
Araújo wrote concerning the state of affairs at Malaca had 
greatly embarrassed him in his proceedings (as has already 
been related), nevertheless, trnsting to the mercy of God, 
he made up his mind to proceed to the Straits and ac- 
complish the desires of the king D. Manuel ; and having his 
fleet ready with men, supplies, arms, artillery, and every- 
thing else that was required for the undertaking of this 
enterprise (leaving Goa in good order), he set out, but 
when he had made his course so far forward as the shoals 
of Padua, 1 and found that he could not get beyond them be- 
cause the season was now so far advanced, he put back again 
into harbour, and came to an anchor with all his fleet over 
against the bar of Goa, and after having dropped anchor, 
he ordered Bodrigo Babelo, captain of the city, to be sum- 
moned, and told him that on account of the adverse state 
of the weather, and because the monsoon of the Straits and 
Ormuz was already gone by, and there was no longer 
any opportunity of navigating to those parts, it was his in- 
tention to go and winter at Malaca and see if he could in 
any way chastise the Malays for the treason which they had 
practised upon Diogo Lopez de Sequeira; therefore he 

1 See the Bfaixos] de Padua, 13 deg. N. lat., on Fernão Vaz Dourndo'g 
Map of India, vol. ii, p. 1. 

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greatly commended to him the charge of taking care of the 
city, for the city was always the uppermost thought of his 
heart, 1 dreading lest the Hidalcão should attack it again ; 
and from that port he went on to Oananor, and leaving the 
fortress provided with more men than it had, he set out 
again for Cochim. 

As soon as the king learned that Afonso Dalboquerque 
was on the bar, he lost no time in visiting him on board his 
vessel, and gave him a long list of reasons why he ought 
not to go to Malaca, for, he said, the affairs of Goa were 
still in so critical a state, that it required him personally to 
control them ; and in addition to this, the Çamorim of Cali- 
cut was in such a state of disaffection, that he for his part 
should not be surprised if he broke out into open treason 
directly he heard of his departure from India. But although 
this statement by the King of Cochim had a great show of 
reason in it, yet in it he did not express his own sentiments, 
but the design of causing Afonso Dalboquerque to abandon 
his voyage to Malaca was conceived by the advice of Chiri- 
namercar and Mamalemercar, two Moorish merchants, men 
full of all kinds of evil and worthless designs. 

Now the principal cause of their giving this counsel was, 
that they feared lest Afonso Dalboquerque should capture 
the ships which they had sent to Malaca; and if Malaca 
were taken, they would be left without any means of trading 
in the whole of that archipelago, from Cape Comorim east- 
wards, for they were the richest merchants in the whole of 
Malabar. And although Afonso Dalboquerque clearly per- 
ceived that those merchants had deceived the poor king in 
persuading him to turn aside from the course he really 
wished to pursue, yet because the king was friendly to us, 
Afonso Dalboquerque dissembled with him and pretended 
not to see through the plot, and told him that his mind was 
now quite made up to accomplish that voyage, because the 
1 Porque a levava atravesada na garganta. 

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season would not permit of his passing over to the Straits 
in accordance with the orders he had received from the 
king D. Manuel, his lord ; but, he said he trusted in God 
that the king of Oochim would very soon hear news of how 
thoroughly he had taken vengeance for the treason which 
had been practised in that city of Malaca upon the Portu- 
guese ; and that Goa was in so strong a condition that he 
should not be afraid even if all the power of the Hidalcao 
were brought to bear against the city. 

When this conversation was over which Afonso Dalboquer- 
que held with the king, he took his leave of him, and sent 
for Manuel de Lacerda, whom he found there, and because 
his fleet was but small he reinforced him with four small 
ships more, and two large ships, men, and munitions of 
war, with instructions that in the month of August he was 
to proceed to unite with the other ships which he would 
then find cruising off the bar of Goa; and he gave him 
also plenary jurisdiction over all the other captains who 
should come there, that they should obey him, as though he 
represented Afonso Dalboquerque in person; and he was 
always to cruise along that coast in order to be able to 
render assistance if the affairs of Goa required it; and 
then Afonso Dalboquerque dismissed him to get his fleet in 
readiness, while he himself gave orders to his captains to 
lift their cables and set sails. 


How the great Afonso Dalboquerque set sail from Cochim, and made 
his way direct to Malaca, and of what passed thereupon. 

The great Afonso Dalboquerque, having thus taken his 
leave of the King of Cochim and dispatched Manuel de 
Lacerda, who was to remain behind as chief captain of that 
coast, set sail with all his fleet, which consisted of eighteen 

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sailiug vessels, three of which were galleys. The captains 
were — D. João de Lima ; Fernão Telez Dandrade ; Gaspar 
de Paiva; James Teixeira; Bastiam de Miranda; Aires 
Pereira ; Jorge Nunes de Lião ; Dinis Fernandez de Melo, 
chief Patrão; Pêro Dalpoem, Auditor of India; Antonio 
Dabreu ; Nuno Vaz de Castelo-branco ; Simão Dandrade ; 
Duarte da Silva ; Simão Martinz ; Afonso Pessoa ; Simão 
Afonso; and Jorge Botelho ; and, proceeding on their way, 
when they had got as far forward as Ceilão (Ceylon), they 
caught sight of a ship. 

Afonso Dalboquerque gave orders to chase her, and they 
took her, and he was very glad to find it belonged to the 
Guzerates, as he felt his voyage would now be carried out 
safely, for the Guzerates understand the navigation of those 
parts much more thoroughly than any other nations, on ac- 
count of the great commerce they carry on in those places. 
And while the fleet was in this latitude a storm arose, during 
which the galley which was commanded by Captain Simão 
Martinz, was lost; for, without his knowledge, the ship 
had been loaded with copper, and she sprung a leak at the 
prow, and the force of the storm drove her over on her side, 
and she foundered, but all the people were saved, for Duarte 
da Silva stood by the ship in his great galley, which was 
all ready for the emergency. And when all the men had 
been brought off the wreck, Afonso Dalboquerque led the 
whole fleet, and brought up at anchor in the harbour of 
Pedir, 1 having in his company five Guzerate vessels which 
he had captured on the voyage. 

And there he found João Viegas and eight Christians of 
the company of Buy de Araújo, who had arrived thus far in 
their flight from the city of Malaca, and João Viegas re- 
counted to him how the King of Malaca had endeavoured 
to force them to become Moors, and had ordered some of 

1 A harbour on the northern coast of the Island of Sumatra, 5 deg. 24 
inin. N. lat., 96 deg. 4 min. £. long., a little to the east of Acheen. 

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them to be tied hand and foot and circnmcised ; and they 
had suffered many torments because they would not deny 
the faith of Jesus Christ. And one night, when they were 
all ready to flee away, they were discovered, and B-uy 
Daraujo and those who were now with him were left behind, 
because that they were unable to escape. And he declared 
further that with the King of Pace there was a principal 
Moor of Malaca whose name was Naodabegea, 1 who had been 
the chief author of the treason which had been plotted 
against Diogo Lopez de Sequeira ; and this man had fled 
from Malaca because he and the Bondará, whom the king 
killed, had laid a plan to kill the king and take possession 
of the kingdom. 

On hearing this news Afonso Dalboquerque immediately 
took his leave of the King of Pedir, and made his way to 
Pace, 2 which is the principal port of the Island of Samatra, 
and as soon as he arrived there he sent João Viegas to pay 
him a visit, and to declare to him that it had come to the 
knowledge of Afonso Dalboquerque that in the city of Paca 
there was a Moor who was fleeing from Malacca who was 
implicated in the attempt to murder certain Portuguese, 
who belonged to some ships which the King of Portugal, his 
lord, had sent to the port of the city of Malaca, and that 

1 The Edition of 1576 reads Naodabegea, that of 1774, Maodabegea; 
but from the recurrence of the name on p. 62 there can be no doubt that 
this latter is a typographical error. For the meaning of the first part 
of this word, see vol. i, p. 227. 

* Pace, a harbour a little to the east of Pedir, on the northern coast 
of the Island of Sumatra. Barretto de Resende gives " Passen" and 
" Porto de Passen" in Pedro Berthelot's map dated 1635, in the Sloan. MS. 
197, fo. 390, on this site. K. Johnston, in the " Royal Atlas", spells the 
place " Passier" and " Pasier", and assigns the position of 5 deg. 2 min. 
K, 97 deg. 10 min. E. to the former ; and that of 5 deg. 10 min. N., 
97 deg. 22 min. E. to the latter place. There can be no doubt that this 
is a mistake. The spelling adopted by Berthelot is an illustration of 
the peculiar nasality introduced into the sound of final vowels by the 

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he begged him of his goodness to cause this Moor to be de- 
livered over to him. 

The King of Pace replied that it was quite true that the 
Moor had been there, but at present he had no news of him, 
but he would cause very diligent search to be made after 
him, and when he was found he would hand him over to 
Afonso Dalboquerque. And when the king had sent this 
reply to Afonso Dalboquerque he advised the Moor to go 
straight at once to Malaca and give the king notice of the 
approach of the Portuguese, for when he heard this news he 
would pardon him, and reinstate him in his good favour. 
As soon as the king had arranged this he sent to Afonso 
Dalboquerque to say that he had ordered search to be made 
for the Moor but he could not be found, and he thought he 
must have fled away, for he could not learn any news of him 
anywhere throughout the city. But as Afonso Dalboquerque 
perceived that all this was deception on the part of the king 
he would not hold any further communications with him, 
but, not breaking off his friendship, he sailed away. 


How the great Afonso Dalboquerque Bet sail from the port of Pace, and 
at sea he sighted a sailing vessel which was carrying the Moor 
who was flying from him, and how he sent after the vessel, and 
what further took place. 

As soon as Afonso Dalboquerque had taken his departure 
from the King of Pace he ordered the fleet to set sail, and 
in this manner so sailing along all together with a favourable 
wind, they caught sight of a pangajaoa. 1 This is the name 

1 The latter part of this word is clearly the Portuguese fern. adj. 
for Javanese. The Pangajaoa was a sort of boat impelled by oars. 
Bluteau calls the Pangajoa a kind of rowing boat, used in India. It 
appears to be different from the Pangaio, a sort of small boat composed 

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of a kind of long vessel, very fast sailing, used in that 
country ; and as the wind had dropped by this time, and 
Aires Pereira, captain of the Taforea, was nearest to it, 
Afonso Dalboquerque signalled to him to give chase. Aires 
Pereira got into his boat with some soldiers and set out in 
pursuit. And the Moors who were on board of the vessel 
defended themselves with so much spirit that they wounded 
Aires Pereira and a considerable number of his people with- 
out their being able to get in. 

Not content with thus defending his vessel the captain, 
although he was severely wounded, leaped down to Aires 
Pereira in his boat, and they fought with cuts and blows 
at each other, and there was at length despatched; and 
then our people boarded the pangajaoa and put to death 
all the Moors who sought to make any defence, and took 
seven or eight prisoners, and gathered themselves together 
again in their boat, and there they found the Moorish captain 
half dead, without any blood flowing from the numerous 
wounds he had received. 

Aires Pereira commanded the mariners to throw him into 
the sea just as he was ; but when they perceived that he was . 
richly clothed, they sought first of all to strip him, and then 
they found on his left arm a bracelet of bone, set in gold, 
and when they took this off all his blood flowed away and 
he expired. Aires Pereira was so surprised at this that he 
took the bracelet and the captive Moors to Afonso Dalbo- 
querque, and recounted to him all that had passed, and 
Afonso Dalboquerque inquired of the Moors who that Cap- 

of boards tied together with cords only. u Navigium Fangaio, e levi et 
raro ligno constructum, non nisi f uni bus colligatum est, nullo omnino 
clavo férreo infixo" (Hist. Ind. Orient., p. 220). Camões calls it sutil, 
" lightly skimming", in the line — 

" Os Pangayos sutis da bruta gente." — i, 92. 

Although narrow and lightly built, the Pangaio is capable of carrying a 
considerable burden. 

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tain was, and what was the use of that bracelet to him 
which he wore ; and they replied that he was a principal 
Moor of Malaca, whose name was Naodabeguea, 1 and he was 
on his way to warn the king of the coming of the Portu- 
guese, and the bracelet was formed of the bones of certain 
animals which were called cabals, 2 that are bred in the 
mountain ranges of the kingdom of Siam, and the person 
who carries those bones so that they touch his flesh can 
never lose his blood, however many wounds he may receive, 
so long as they are kept on him. Afonso Dalboquerque 
was much moved at the death of the Moors from whom he 
had hoped to obtain information concerning the state of 
affairs at Malaca, and he prized the bracelet very much 
for its virtues, and kept it to send it to the king D. 

When Aires Pereira had returned into his own ship, the 
whole fleet went back along the coast in the same order as 
they had first come, and when they were in the latitude of 
the Powder Island 8 they sighted two very large junks, and 
gave chase to them. One of these, which was from Choro- 
mandel, 4 struck immediately ; ttie other, from Jaoa, 6 would 
not do so; Afonso Dalboquerque therefore ordered Pero 
Dalpoem to go up close and call upon her to surrender, and 
if she would not do so, then to attack her at close quarters ; 
and as it happened that, in the act of boarding the junk, 
our own men were closely pressed, the Javanese wounded 

1 Called Maodabegea, on p. 59, n. 

• Cabais. Jofio de Barros, in Decad., ii, f. 139, col. 23, relates a 
similar circumstance to this here described ; no description of this 
fabulous creature is recorded by Bluteau, who mentions the pass- 

* Polvoreira, shown in Barretto de Resende's copy of Pedro Berthe- 
lot's map as Polverera, an island in the Straits of Malaca. MS. Sloan, 
197, f. 390; Keith Johnston does not mention it. 

4 Coromandel, or Karimanal, Madras Presidency, 13 deg. 24 min. N., 
80 deg. 19 min. E. » Java. 

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several of the men with arrows, and hampered the gear of 
the mizen-sail 1 and the bowsprit. 2 

When Pero Dalpoem perceived that his rigging was thus 
destroyed, he disengaged his ship from the junk, and drew 
off from her. But Afonso Dalboquerque, who was the 
nearest to him, as soon as he saw Pero Dalpoem disengaging 
himself, drew up close and demanded the surrender of the 
junk, which was about six hundred tons burden, very well 
supplied with arms, and carrying three hundred fighting 
men on board ; and fearing lest her men should set her on 
fire as soon as he had grappled her — a custom which the 
Javanese have when they find themselves overcome by the 
enemies — Afonso Dalboquerque ordered the master 3 of his 
ship to take the ship's boat, ready with a cable through the 
ship's hawses, 4 with orders to the effect that he was to 
arrange so as to be able to cast off the cable whenever he 
wished, if the Javanese should set fire to the ship. 

When this had been set in order, Afonso Dalboquerque 
drew up close alongside the junk and began to fire into her 
with his bombards ; and as the enemy would not even yet 
yield, although there were already forty of them killed and 
a great number of the others wounded, he got ready to 
board her. As soon as the Javanese perceived that they 
were overpowered by the ship, the Fhr de la Mar, which 
was built with very lofty castles, they set fire to the junk. 

1 Traquete. Jal interprets this rightly as the Voiie de misaine, or mizen 
sail ; it was also called the traquete davante. Moraes wrongly defines it 
to be a vela do mastro mais alto do navio. It is the trinchetto of the 
Italians. Bluteau calls it the " Vela pequena, atada à peça mais alta do 
mastro grande" 

1 Goroupes ; also gouroupêz and gurupés. 

• Mestre, probably mate, through Maitre, Fr. 

4 Esconvés, an indeclinable plural, sometimes written escovéns and 
escouves. Jal quotes the passage in more than one place in his Glossaire 
Nautique, as escouves ; but the misprint of esconves, if it is one, is found 
in the early edition, as well as the later one, of the Commentaries. The 
word appears to be derived from excubim, Lat. ; êcubier, Fr. 

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It was not until the flames reached the ship that Afonso 
Dalboquerque gave orders to the mate to unhook his ship 
and cast off from the junk, and draw away out from between 
the vessels. The Javanese no sooner observed the shadow 
of the towering ship passing away from over them, than 
they set to work to extinguish the fire in their own vessel, 
but as it had by this time become very extensive, they could 
only do so, with very great difficulty, and this compelled 
them to surrender. 

The junk having now surrendered, Afonso Dalboquerque 
discovered that the King of Pace was on board, and so he 
sent for him, and when he saw him he begged his pardon 
very earnestly for this unfortunate affair which should not 
have happened if he had known of his Royal Highness being 
on board, and he showed him those ceremonies and that 
good treatment which is due to a personage of such dignity ; • 
and when he had entertained him and taken care for some 
of his servants who had got badly wounded in the fight, 
the king gave him an account of his misfortune, setting 
forth how he was on his way to the King of Java, who was 
his relative, to ask his assistance with soldiers and a fleet 
against one of his governors who had risen up in rebellion 
with the kingdom against him, but if he, Afonso Dalbo- 
querque, would undertake this enterprise and reseat him in 
his estate again, then he would become a vassal of the King 
of Portugal, and pay him tribute. 

Afonso Dalboquerque, considering that the trade of Pace* 
would be of great importance to Malaca, if he took it, on 
account of the great quantity of pepper that the Island 
contains, told him that he was now engaged on an expedi- 
tion for settling accounts with the King of Malaca for an 
injustice which he had done to a captain of the King of 
Portugal his lord, who had reached that port under the 
royal safeguard, but when this had been completed he would 
promise that upon his return voyage to India he would 

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replace him in the possession of his kingdom. The king 
thanked him very much for his promises of assistance, and 
declared he would remain there in the ship with him, and 
ordered those who were in the junk to follow him. And 
when the fleet was now close to Malaca, Nuno Vaz de 
Castelo-Branco captured a very rich junk which had just 
sailed out of the port, bound for the kingdom of Siam, and 
from the Moors who were taken in her Afonso Dalboquerque 
learned that Buy Daraujo and the Portuguese of his com- 
pany were alive, and that the king already knew of his 

So numerous were the ships that they passed on that 
voyage, that had it not been Afonso Dalboquerque' s deter- 
mination to go to Malaca, they could have taken the largest 
prize that was ever beheld in those parts ; for it was just 
the time of the monsoon when the Moors navigate to the 
kingdoms of India which lie to the east of Cape Comorim, 
but during the other monsoon they make their way direct 
to the Straits of Meca, laden with all sorts of different 
spices which are brought to Malaca. But inasmuch as 
Afonso Dalboquerque desired to have secure peace and 
friendship with all the kings and Hindoo lords who have 
their territories on the South, and to trade in their ports — 
as the King D. Manuel had ordered that the commerce of 
Malaca should not be destroyed, — he treated all the ships 
which he passed on the way with good will and entertain- 
ment, and to their captains he shewed every kindness in the 
name of the king of Portugal, and gave them safe conducts, 
enabling them to navigate— provided they did not go to the 
Straits — and at this they were very well pleased. 


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How the great Afonso Dalboquerque reached the port of Malaca, and 
the king sent immediately to visit him, and the rest that took 

When the great Afonso Dalboquerque had taken the 
king of Pace into his ship, he continued his course and 
sailed up to the shoals of Capacia 1 , and entered the twelve 
fathom passage, and reached the harbour of Malaca one day 
at evening with all his fleet decked with flags, and the men 
sounding their trumpets, and ordered them to salute the city 
with all the artillery, and proceeded to cast anchor in front 
of the harbour. And when the fleet had thus anchored, 
the king immediately sent a Moor with a message to Afonso 
Dalboquerque, asking what was the object of so great a 
fleet ; whether he came for war or for peace, for he did not 
wish for anything else than peace with the king of Portugal ; 
and giving him to know that his Bendará had been put to 
death by his orders on account of his complicity in the 
rising which had taken place against the Portuguese cap- 
tain (Diogo Lopez de Sequeira) who had come to that port, 
and resulted in the murder of the Christians who were in 
the land, but this was no fault of his. 

Afonso Dalboquerque listened to this artful apology, and 
dissembled with him, in hopes of getting Buy de Araújo 
and the other Christians who were there in his power again, 
so he replied that he was well aware how little the king of 
Malaca was to blame in the matter of the treachery shown 
to the captain of the king his lord, and now that the king 
had at length avenged the death of the Christians whom the 
Bendará had put to death, by cutting off his head, he begged 
he would of his favour cause those who were left alive to bo 

1 In the Straits of Malaca, to the north of the city. 

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delivered up, and pay, oat of the property of the Bendará, 
for all the goods which had been seized. 

The king lost no time in sending the Moor back to 
declare to Afonso Dalboquerque that they should make 
peace first, and then he would send back the Christians and 
make satisfaction for all that had been taken. Afonso 
Dalboquerqne replied that he would not make peace until 
the Christians had been sent back and all the king's pro- 
perty restored, according to the terms of his first answer 
sent through the same Moor, and when he had received 
everything, there would be time to talk of peace, for this 
was what the king his lord desired, and it was for this 
object that the King of Portugal had sent him thither, for 
this fleet had not come in search of a cargo, but to make 
war upon the king of Malaca, if he would not come to 
terms of peace with the king his lord. 

Notwithstanding all this, the king still refused to deliver 
up Buy de Araújo and the Christians without first making 
peace, for he thought by this means to curb the spirit of 
Afonso Dalboquerque ; but he, on his part, determined not 
to come to any terms until the Christians were first of all 
restored to him, as well as all the property which had been 
detained, and so these negotiations went on from one side 
to the other until the king of Malaca began to put into 
practice some of his artifices, and ordered a fleet of 
launches 1 to issue out of the river, and when they had 
made a good muster with men and artillery they withdrew 
again ; with these trickeries 2 and follies they thought to get 
the advantage of Afonso Dolboquerque, but he put up with 
everything in hopes of getting Buy de Araújo into his 

1 Lancharas. 

» Biocos, a word employed chiefly in the phrase andar a biocos, said 
of women that walk about with a cloak that covers the greater part of 
their faces and one eye, so that they can see other people without being 

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hands again, for he remembered how the Viceroy had sent 
him in company with Diogo Lopez de Seqneira in disgrace 
to Malaca, on his account. 1 And being informed by Ruy 
de Araújo that the king was causing certain stockades 
of very great strength to be erected along the seaboard, 
Afonso Dalboquerque sent word to the King of Malaca to 
say, that it did not look like a sign of good friendship when 
he would not send back his Portuguese but ordered the 
erection of stockades, like one who rather desired war than 
peace ; and how differently, he said, had the king of Pace 
behaved to him, for as soon as his port was reached he 
immediately sent back nine Portuguese who had got away 
so far in their flight from the bondage in which he, the king 
of Malaca, had held them ; but it seemed, indeed, as if 
there was no arriving at any settlement with him. The 
king, in spite of all these arguments, still determined not 
to surrender the Christians without first of all making a 
treaty of peace. 

Afonso Dalboquerque saw through this design of the 
king; and in order that he should not think that he had 
produced any effect by this display of launches in the river 
which were making a great show there every day according 
to the king's orders, he decided to undeceive him, and so he 
gave orders that an expedition of four boats well armed 
with fighting men and artillery should be got ready, and 
make their way along the bank and throw some shots from 
their bombards into the city. When the Moors perceived 
the boats setting out from the ships, they came out to wait 
for them, beyond the river's mouth, in a fleet of twenty 
pangajaoas, armed with many men. No sooner had Afonso 
Dalboquerque perceived them than he ordered a number of 
boats to be sent to reinforce the four first sent. This dis- 
concerted the Moors, who observed the movement, and 

1 For the circumstances concerning the carrying of Ray de Araújo to 
Malaca, see vol. ii, p. 45. 

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withdrew themselves back again into the river with their fleet. 
And when they had retired the king again sent the accus- 
tomed messages, full of deceit and specious words and false- 
hoods, to Afonso Dalboquerque. 

And Afonso Dalboquerque again listened to them with 
great patience, always hoping to avoid having recourse to 
war, and explaining to the king how his coming to Malaca 
was for the preservation of the port, and for the making of 
a treaty and ratiying friendship with him, and by no means 
for the purpose of destroying him. But as there were 
Moors of many races in the city, all of whom were anxious 
to prevent a peaceable solution of this matter — to the end 
that our people should not get a footing in the land — they 
led the king to believe that Afonso Dalboquerque would 
never dare to attack the city, but as soon as the monsoon 
should spring up he would have to be gone without waiting 
any longer. And a similar thought was in the minds of his 
own captains. Those who most laboured to prevent peace 
being made were the Guzarates, for all the trade of Cam- 
bava lies at Malaca, and they offered to help the king with 
six hundred whites, all well armed, and forty bombards. 

And besides all these designs which the king entered 
into, with the aid of the Moors both native and foreign, Ruy 
de Araújo sent word to Afonso Dalboquerque that the 
stockades were fast approaching completion, and the king 
was making ready for his defence ; and the Turks, Guza- 
rates, Rumes, and Ooraçones were the principal ones 
who were advising him to make no agreement, but to for- 
bid our people to make any settlement in the land ; and in 
order to carry out their designs they were giving large 
bribes to the king and his governors ; and they had also on 
their side the Cacizes, 1 who made long harangues to him, 

1 Cacizes, priests whose duty was to recount with dramatic vehemence 
in high places, and public concourses, the circumstances of the death of 
the Prophet. 

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declaring that the Portuguese were renegades and thieves, 
desirous of lording over the whole world, and that he would 
be sorry for it if he allowed them to come into the city. 
And Euy de Araújo went on to say that the Xabandar 1 of the 
Guzarates, who was the mainstay of all the merchants of 
Cambaya — a man of great credit with the king — had gone 
to the king and begged him very earnestly not to make 
friendship with the Portuguese nor come to any terms of 
peace with them, for their ships and those of the Moors 
could not navigate in one and the same course in one and 
the same monsoon, neither could they take in their cargoes 
all together in the same port, for, if this was a matter of 
keen competition, even when all engaged were of one nation, 
how much more difficult would those things be, seeing that 
these on the one hands were Moors, and the Portuguese, 
on the other hand, Christians, desirous to destroy them and 
procuring the destruction of them all ; and the Xabandar 
declared that he gave him this advice because he was very 
desirous of doing him a service, and preserving the king- 
dom ; and he ought to temporize with the chief captain of 
that (Portuguese) fleet, and keep up negotiations with him, 
for when the monsoon should come, he could not remain 
there any longer. 

The king was well pleased with the advice given by the 
Xabandar, and discussed it all with his governors, and they 
all were of opinion that such a policy should be carried out ; 
therefore he ordered that his fleet should be repaired imme- 
diately, to the end that it might be prepared for anything 
that might happen, and that the work of the stockades 
should be pressed on more quickly. 

1 See vol. ii, p. 132. The meaning of the term is " Lord of the 

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Of the site and foundation of the kingdom and city of Malaca. 
The kingdom of Malaca 1 on the one side is co-terminous 

1 Camões makes the prophetic Siren sing : — 

" Mais avante fareis, que se conheça 
Malaca por empório ennobrecido, 
Onde toda a província do mar grande 
Suas mercadorias ricas mande. 

" Dizem que desta terra, co'as possantes 
Ondas o mar entrando, dividio 
A nobre ilha Samatra, que já d'antes 
Juntas ambas a gente antigua vio : 
C hereon eeo foi dita, e das prestantes 
Veas d'ouro, que a terra produzio, 
Áurea por epitheto lhe- ajuntaram, 
Alguns que fosse Ophir imaginaram. 

u Mas na ponta da terra Cingapura 
Veras, onde o caminho às náos se estreita 
Daqui, tornando a costa á Cynosura, 
Se encurva, e para a Aurora se endireita : 
Vês Pam, Fatâne, reinos, e a longura 
De Sião, que estes e outros mais sujeita ; 
Olha o rio Menão, que se derrama 
Do grande lago, que Chiamai se chama." 

x, 123-125. 

" Malacca, see before where ye shall pitch 
Your great Emporium, and your Magazins : 
The Rendezvouz of all that Ocean round 
For Merchandizes rich that there abound. 

41 From this ('tis said) the Waves' impetuous course, 
Breaking a passage through, from Main to Main, 
Samatra's noble Isle of old did force, 
Which then a Neck of Land therewith did chain : 
That this was Chersonese till that divorce, 
And from the wealthy mines, that there remain, 

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with the kingdom of Queda, 1 and on the other with the 
kingdom of Pam, 2 and would have about a hundred leagues 
of coast, and in breadth, across tho land up to a chain of 
mountains where the kingdom of Sião 8 stops, it would be 
about ten leagues. All this land of old was subject to the 
kingdom of Sifto, and it would be about ninety years, 4 a 
little more or less — when Afonso Dalboquerque arrived 
there — since it became a kingdom of itself. And the kings 
of this kingdom became in time so powerful, that they were 
called Coltoi8, a word used among them for " Emperor." 
Now, because it is necessary, for well understanding these 
commentaries, to look a little further into the foundation of 
Malaca, I will relate here whence this kingdom derived its 
first beginning. 

At the time when Malaca was founded, there reigned in 
the Island of Jaoa a king who was called Bataratamurel, 

The Epithite of Golden had annext : 
Some think it was the Ophyr in the Text. 

" But at that Point doth Cingapur appear : 
Where the pincht Streight leaves Ships do room to play. 
Heer the Coast, winding to the Northerne Beare, 
Faces the fair Aurora all the way. 
See Pan, Patane (ancient Realms that were), 
And long Stan, which These, and more, obey ! 
The copious River of Menam behold, 
And the great Lake Chiamay from whence 'tis roll'd ! " 


1 Queda, or Kidah, 7 deg. 6 min. N., 100 deg. 83 min. E. ; on the 
western aide of the Malay Peninsula. 

" Queda, que he só* cabeça 
Das que pimenta alii tem produzido. " * 

Zms., x, 128. 

* Pahang, 8 deg. 35 min. N., 108 deg. 17 min. E., on the eastern 
Bide of the Peninsula. * Siam. 

4 See notes derived from Col. Yule's Marco Polo, at end of this 

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and in the kingdom of Palimbâo 1 which lies within the 
Island of Jaoa, there reigned a Hindoo king whose name 
was Parimiçura, and as there were many dissensions between 
them they at length came to an understanding that Parimi- 
çura should marry one of the daughters of Bataratamurel, 
who was called Parimiçuri, and continue paying a certain 
tribute to the king of Jaoa his father-in-law. This king 
Parimiçura, when a few days had elapsed after he had made 
this agreement, repented of it, and rose up and threw off 
his promise of obedience, and would not pay the tribute to 
his father-in-law, and in order to do this he conferred with 
some of his relatives, and put his intentions into practice. 

When Bataratamurel perceived that his son-in-law had 
risen up in rebellion against him, and was unwilling to pay 
the tribute, he came against him with a large force and 
overcame him, and took away his kingdom from him ; and 
Parimiçura, seeing that he was worsted and fearing lest he 
should fall into the hands of his father-in-law, fled away 
with his wife, his children and his slaves, and some few 
remnants of his forces, in a junk, and reached Singapura, 2 
which was a very large and very populous city — 
as is witnessed by its great ruins which still appear to 
this very day — before the foundation of Malaca, and put 
himself under obedience to the king of Sião. 

Singapura, whence this city takes its name, is a channel 
through which all the shipping for those parts passes, and 
signifies in the Malay language, " treacherous delay" ; and 
this designation suits the place very well, for sometimes it 
happens that when ships are there waiting for a monsoon 
there comes so fierce a storm that they are lost. 

When the king Parimiçura had arrived at this port, the 
captain of the city, whose name was Tamagi, seeing him 
coming in this plight, entertained him in his house, and 

1 ? Palembang, in Sumatra island, 2 deg. 46 min. S., 104 deg. 60 min. 
£. See note at end of chapter. * Singapore. 

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showed him many honours. Bat Parimiçura, as a payment 
for the good treatment he had received, out of covetousness 
for the richness of the land, murdered him with a creese a 
week after his arrival, and became Lord of the Channel and 
population that there were in it. 

As soon as it was known in the kingdom of Falimb&o 
how prosperous Parimiçura had become, three thousand 
natives of this kingdom made their way to the king, and 
these he kept with him, and he lived in the city of Singa- 
pura for five years, robbing every one who passed through, 
for he had a numerous fleet of launches on the sea. The 
Lord of Patané/who was Tamugi's brother, 8 when he learned 
that Parimiçura had murdered his brother, and had made 
himself lord of the channel, made ready and fell upon him 
with a large force, and being assisted by those of the 
country who owed him a grudge on account of his rapacity, 
overcame him. 

Parimiçura being now overcome fled away and went up 
into the river of Muar, where he found some fishermen who 
lived in poverty, and commenced again to get land into 
cultivation to produce bread 8 for his subsistence, and with a 
little fish which the fisherman used to give him he lived 
there for some time ; and some people whom he carried with 
him led no other life than roving as robbers over the sea in 
launches which they found. 

At this time there lived also in the port, where now the 
population of Malaca is located, twenty or thirty fishermen, 
who supported themselves sometimes by fishing, and at 
other times by robbing ; and they hearing that king Pari- 

1 Patani, in the Malay Peninsula, 6 deg. 56 min. N., 101 deg. 2 
min. E. * Note the altered form of this name. 

• E começou afazer terras depâopera se manter; it maybe that there 
is here a play on the word terra in the phrase terras de pão, lamps of 
bread, as it were, instead of the expanse of territory he had formerly 
held sway over. 

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miçura was settled at Muar, with the reputation of being a 
cavalier and man of spirit, made their way to him and told 
him that in the country where they were, three leagues' 
distance along a river, there was a plain which was called 
Bintão, 1 very fertile, wherein large crops of rice could be 
grown, as well as all other things required, and well sup- 
plied with water for drinking; that he ought to remove 

* Bintang. " An Island called Pentam, a very wild place. All the 
wood that grows thereon consists of odoriferous trees." — Marco Polo, 
Ed. Yule, ii, 261. 

Of this island, situated in 1 deg. 10 min. N. lat., 104 deg. 30 min. 
E. long., Col. Yule writes as follows : — " Pentam is no doubt the Bin- 
tang of our maps, more properly Bentan, a considerable Island at the 
Eastern extremity of the Straits of Malaca. It appears in the list pub- 
lished by Dulaurier from a Javanese inscription, of the kingdoms con- 
quered in the fifteenth century by the sovereigns reigning at Majapahit 
in Java. Bintang was for a long time after the Portuguese conquest of 
Malacca the chief residence of the Malay Sultans who had been excelled 
by that conquest, and it still nominally belongs to the Sultan of Johore 
the descendant of those princes, though, in fact, ruled by the Dutch, 
whose port of Rhio stands on a small island close to its western shore. 
It is the Bintâo of the Portuguese, whereof Camoens speaks as the per- 
sistent enemy of Malacca." The passage is as follows : — 

" Mas despois que as estrellas o chamarem, 
Succederás, 6 forte Mascarenhas, 
E, se injustos o mando te tomarem, 
Prometto-te que fama eterna tenhas t 
Para teus inimigos confessarem 
Teu valor alto, o fado quer que venhas 
A mandar mais de palmas coroado, 
Que de fortuna justa acompanhado : 

" No reino de Bintão, que tantos danos 
Terá a Malaca muito tempo feitos, * 
N' hum só dia as injurias de mil annos 
Vingaras co' o valor de illustres peitos : 
Trabalhos e perigos inhumanos, 
Abrolhos férreos mil, passos estreitos, 
Tranqueiras, baluartes, lanças, settas, 
Tudo fico, que rompas e sobmettos." 

x, 56, 57. 

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thither, and if he would make his settlement there, they 
would serve him and become his tributaries. 

Parimiçura, having received this information which the 
fishermen had given to him, went and viewed the site, and 
was very much pleased with it and with all that territory ; 
and returning to Muar embarked with all his household and 
followers, and went to live at Bintâo, and began to make 
extensive sowings of grain, and orchards of fruit, and made 
some very large palaces for his occupation, and became so 
well pleased with this land thab he created the fishermen to 
be Nobles and Mandarins of his household out of recom- 
pense for their services in having shown him the situation ; 
and because the harbour was commodious and very deep 
with good water, in the space of four months after Parimi- 
çura had first gone thither, there was a population of a 
hundred inhabitants where the city of Malaca now stands. 1 

The robbers who used to go about pirating over the sea 
iu launches that made a practice of putting into the port of 
Malaca for water, appreciating the favours and good enter- 
tainment that they received from the king Parimiçura, began 
to take up their abode there, and carry thither the goods 
they had stolen, and a great development began to take 
place, so that within two years there was a population of 
two thousand inhabitants, and they began to acquire a 
steady trade. This Parimiçura gave the name of Malaca 
to the new colony, because, in the language of Jaoa, when 
a man of Palimbâo flees away they call him Malayo; and 
since he had come to that place fleeing from the kingdom 
of Palimbâo, of which indeed he once was king, he gave 
the place the name of Malaca. Others say that it was 

1 From this text it would appear that the city of Malaca was built ou 
the plain of Bintâo. If the statement of the Commentaries is correct, 
Bintâo can hardly be identified with the Island of Bintang, as above. 
Very possibly there were several sites thus named. Bantam, on the 
West Coast of Java, is another example of the name. 

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called Malaca because of the numbers of people who came 
there from one part and the other in so short a space of 
time, for the word Malaca also signifies to meet, and there- 
fore they gave it the name of city in contradiction. Of 
these two opinions let each one accept that which he thinks 
to be the best, for this is the truth of the matter. 

Batara Tamurel, having perceived the rapid growth of 
affairs at Malaca, and the prosperity which attended his 
son-in-law, reconciled himself with him again and sent 
him a great many supplies at his expense; and because 
the king Parimiçura was a man of good nature and treated 
with kindness those who visited that port, the inhabitants 
of Pace and of Bengala 1 began to trade with those of 
Malaca, and seven years after Parimiçura had begun this 
population of Malaca, he died, and left behind him a son 
whose name was Xaquendarxa, who, though he was a 
Hindoo, married a daughter of the king of Pace, but it 
would not have been very difficult to make him turn Moor, 
for when they were married, either by reason of the entrea- 
ties of his wife, or from the admonitions of his father-in-law, 
very few days elapsed before he became a Moor. And this 
king Xaquendarxa, after having several sons, desired to go 
and see the king of China, saying he wished to go and see 
a king who had for his vassals the Javanese, and the 
Siamese, and people of all other known lands; so he set 
out from Malaca, taking with him a present for the king of 
China, and occupied three years in the journey, and be- 
came his vassal, and brought back with him a half seal in 
sign of vassalage, and obtained permission to coin small 
money of pewter, which money he ordered to be made as 
soon as he reached Malaca; and to it he gave the name of 
Caixes, 2 which are like our ceitih, and a hundred of them go 

1 Bengal. 

* Cf. "Aos quaes se davão duas Caixas, que sam três reis da nossa 
moeda" {Hist, de Fern. Mend. Pinto, 128, col. 4). Bluteau.— The Chinese 

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to the calaim, and each calaim was worth, according to an 
appointed law, eleven reis and four ceitils. 1 Silver and 
gold was not made into money, but only used by way of 

And when the king of China had taken his leave of 
Xaquendarxâ, he sent with him a captain who was to 
accompany him back to Malaca, and in consequence of the 

Le (? Portug., -Be) is the European cash; 100 Le = 1 Candarim 
(? Portug. Calaim). 

1 We here obtain the value of the Calaim (as a coin), which is men- 
tioned above, at p. 45. But, on the other hand, Bluteau quotes from 
the Décadas a passage whore the word is used as equivalent to estanho, 
and calls it a fine kind of Indiao pewter. According to the above, the 
monetary system of Malaca, as arranged by Xaquendarxa, would be— 

1 Caixe, or Cash, Malay = 1 Ceitil, Portuguese. 

100 Caixes - 1 Calaim = 11 Reis, 4 Ceitils. 
.•. 1 Ret = 8t? t Ceitils or Caixes. 
But from Bluteau's description of the Ceitil, which I translate below, 
the correspondence between the Rei and Ceitil is different from this 
deduction. " Ceitil, or Seitil, as though one said Sextil, for of old it was 
a coin which was equal to the sixth part of an adarme (-& of an ounce). 
Others say that Ceitil is derived from Ceita, understanding thereby that 
this coin was taken from the city of Ceita. Others will have it that the 
coin was called Ceitil, as though for Settil, because seven of them go to 
the copper Real. Francisco Soarez Toscano says, in his Parallels, p. 
129, that king D. Joào I, in remembrance of his conquest of the city of 
Ceita, ordered copper money to be struck, which he then called Septil, 
now Ceitil, of which six go to the copper Real, although they are no 
longer current in this kingdom, and, indeed, in the time of the said 
author they were only current in Guimaraens, where flax was bought 
and sold by the Ceitil. On one side of this coin, the said king ordered 
to be placed the arms of Portugal ; on the other, a city along the water 
side," etc. For the best information upon the native currency, the 
reader will do well to consult " Recherches sur les Monnaies des Indi- 
genes de PArchipel Indien et de la Péninsule Malaie, par H. C. Millies; 
Ouvrage Posthume, publié par l'lnstitut Koyale pour la Philoiogie et 
T£thnographie de l'lnde Néerlandaise. La Have. M. Nijhoff, 1871," 
4to. For figures of these coins, see the work of Manoel Bernardes 
Lopes Fernandes, entitled " Memoria das moedas correntes em Portu- 
gal", etc. ; among the " Memorias da Academia Real das Sciencias de 
Lisboa, 2a classe", p. 06, etc. 

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great friendship which sprung np between them on their 
road, Xaqnendarxá married one of his daughters/ by whom 
he had a son whose name was Bajapute, from whom are 
descended the kings of Campar 2 and Pam. And a few 
days after his return to Malaca he died, and his eldest son, 
whose name was Modafaixa, reigned after him. 

When Modafaixa came to the throne he again confirmed 
the treaties of peace which his father had made with the 
king of China, and of Sião and of Jaoa, and greatly enno- 
bled Malaca,, and always kept a fleet on the sea, and con- 
quered many lands, and took the kingdom of Campar and 
of Pam, and of Dandargiri, and made [the kings of] them 
Moors by force and married them to three daughters of his 
brother 3 Bajapute. When he had done this he took the 
name of Sultan Madofaixa, 4 and soon after died, and one 
of his sons, named Sultan Marsusa, became king after him. 

This king when he began to govern his kingdom built 
upon the mountain of Malaca great palaces in which he 
lived, and because he was afraid lest his uncle Eajapute, 
who was at Bent&o, should rise up against him and deprive 

1 The text is " casou-o Xaquendarxá com huma filha sua", " Xaquen- 
darxá married him to one of his daughters"; but from the context and 
pedigree, there is no doubt that the author of the Commentaries has 
translated wrongly here from some original account. The article 
should not be enclitic ; the sentence will then become " Xaquendarxá 
married 11 , etc., as I have given it ; and this is borne out by the reading 
of the edition of 1576. " Casou ho Xaquendarxá 11 , etc. 

9 " Vês, corre a costa que Champá se chama, 

Cuja mata he do pao cheiroso ornada. 11 — Lus., x, 129. 
" Here (mark it !) runs the Coast that's called Champa, 
Whose groves smell hot of Calambuco wood. 11 — Fanshaw. 
See also Yule's Marco Polo, ii, 248, Book in, chap, v: " Of the Great 
Country called Chamba"; which the learned editor identifies with u the 
whole coast between Tongking and Kamboja, including all that is now 
called Cochin China outside of Tongking". — Ib. } p. 250. 

* See pedigree at the end of the chapter. 
4 Note this variant form of the name. 

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him of his kingdom by force, he went to that place and 
killed him with a creese, although he was now of an ad- 
vanced age. 

As soon as the kings of Pam and Dandargiri were informed 
of the murder of his uncle which had been committed by Sultan 
Marsusa they conspired against him, but as he was a cavalier 
he went up against them and overcame them, and compelled 
them to pay a double tribute, and married them with his two 
sisters, and he himself married a daughter of the king of Pam. 
These marriages produced great amity among them all, 
and by this daughter of the king of Pam the sultan had a 
son who died by poison ; and afterwards the sultan married 
a daughter of his Lassamane, 1 by whom he had a son called 
Alaoadin. On the death of Sultan Marsusa, Sultan Alaoa- 
din became king and married a daughter of the king of 
Campar, and this king was so rich and amassed so much 
gold out of the revenues of the port of Malaca, that it was 
estimated at a hundred and forty quintals 2 of gold. 

He now contemplated his wealth and determined to go to 
the temple of Meca, and made ready many junks for the 
passage, intending to carry with him the king of Campar 
and the king of Dandargiri, whom he kept in his court 
because they were inclined to revolt, not permitting them 
to return to their own lands, and he had become lord over 
all that land because he was very powerful on the sea and 
very rich. And in this king's time Malaca became so 
noble a city that it was said to contain forty thousand in- 
habitants, amongst whom were people from all parts of the 
world. This Sultan Alaoadin married a daughter of his 

1 For the signification of this word, see next chapter. 

* The quintal is equal to 4 arrobas, of 32 arráteis each. The arrátel 
contains 2 marcos, of eight onças each. The quintal is represented as 
equivalent to 58.7428 kilogr., Fr. 140 quintals = 8824 kilogr., nearly ; 
that is, upwards of eight tons avoirdupois, English. At £3, English, to 
the ounce, this would amount to upwards of £860,000. 

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Bendará, who had been Qaelim 1 in the time of his father, 
whom he loved very dearly, and by her he had a son who 
was called Sultan Mahamet, and by the daughter of the 
king of Campar he had a son whose name was Sultan 
Celeim&o, and to this latter the kingdom appertained by 
right, because he came of the lineage of the kings. 

When Âlaoadin was ready to set out for Maca, he died of 
poison, and it was said to have been given to him by the 
intrigues of the kings of Pam and Dandargiri, because he 
tried to carry them away against their will. On the death 
of Sultan Alaoadin, a great dissension arose in the king- 
dom, because the daughter of the king of Campar, who was 
queen, wished that her son should inherit the kingdom, for 
it belonged to him by right. But the Bendará, who was 
very powerful, and had command of large sums of money, 
favoured the grandson of his brother who had been Ben- 
dará before him, and the kings of Pam and Campar 
favoured the former. At last the Bendará seized the king- 
dom for his relative ; and as soon as Sultan Mahamet was 
in possession of the kingdom, he threw off the yoke of Si&o 
and Java, and submitted himself to the king of China. 

When the king of Si&o found that the king of Malaca 
would not obey him, he came down against him with a fleet 
of a hundred sail. The king of Malaca getting knowledge 
of this, sent his Lassamane to intercept the fleet on the 
way, and the Lassamane proceeded to wait for him off the 
island of Pulapic&o, 3 and routed the whole of the fleet. 
And from that time until Afonso Dalboquerque took 
Malaca 3 — twenty-two years after — they never came again. 

1 This word appears to be a titular designation and of Chinese origin. 

* ? Panjang, or Palo Panjang Island, in the Gulf of Siam, 9 deg. 9 
min. N., 103 deg. 25 min. E. 

* Col. Yule, in his Second Edition of The Book of Ser Marco Polo, 
gives the substance of the following notes in vol. ii, p. 263, 264, which 
arc necessary to understand this chapter. 

Singapura was founded by an emigration from Palembang, itself a 
VOL. III. <( 

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This king Sultan Mahamet was very vain and very proud, 
and made a quarrel with his father for wishing to go to the 
temple of Meca, for he used to say that Malaca was the 
right Meca; and, being suspicious of his brother, Sultan 

Javanese colony. It became the site of a flourishing kingdom, and was 
then, according to the tradition recorded by De Barros, the most im- 
portant centre of population in those regions. The Malay chronology, 
as published by Valentyn (v, 352), ascribes the foundation of Malaca to 
a king called Iakandar Shah, in a.d. 1252, fixes the reign of Mahomet 
Shah, third king of Malaca, and first Mussulman king, from a.d. 1276- 
1333, and gives eight kings in all between the foundation of the city 
and its capture by the Portuguese in a.d. 1511, a space, according to 
those data, of 259 years. As Sri Iskandar Shah, the founder, had 
reigned three years in Singapura before founding Malaca, and Mahomet 
Shah, the loser, reigned two years in Johore after the loss of his capital, 
we have 264 years to divide among eight kings, giving thirty-three years 
to each. This certainly indicates that the period requires considerable 

Again, both De Barros and these Commentaries ascribe the foundation 
of Malaca to a Javanese fugitive from Palembao, called Paramiçura, 
and the latter makes Xaquendarxa (Iskandar Shah) the son of Parami- 
çura, and first convert to Mahomedanism. Four other kings (see pedi- 
gree here following) reign in succession, the last of them being Sultan 
Mahamet (Mahomed Shah), who was expelled by Afonso Daiboquerque 
in 1511. 

The historian, De Couto, while giving the same number of reigns 
from the conversion to the capture, places the former about a.d. 1384. 
And these Commentaries allow no more than some ninety years from the 
foundation of Malaca to the capture of the city by the Portuguese. This 
would place the foundation about a.d. 1421. There is another approxi- 
mate check to the chronology, afforded by a Chinese record in Amyot's 
Collection , vol. xiv, where we read that Malaca first acknowledged itself 
tributary to the empire in 1405, the king being Sili-ju-eul-sula (?). In 
a.d. 1411 Peilimisula (Parimiçura) came in person to the Court of 
China to render homage ; and in 1414 the Queen Mother of Malaca 
came to the Court, bringing her son's homage. Mow this notable fact 
of the visit of a king of Malaca to the Court of China, and his 
acknowledgment of the Emperor's supremacy, is also recorded in these 
Commentaries; wherein, it is true, the visit is attributed not to Parimi- 
çura, founder of Malaca, but to his son and successor Iskandar Shah. 
This may be a question of title only, perhaps borne by both ; but, we 
seem entitled to conclude with confidence that Malaca was founded by 

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Celeimáo, he murdered him with a creese, and in like 
manner he murdered seventeen of the principal men, all of 
them his relatives, without any cause, and even killed his 
own son and heir, because he had asked him for some 
money to spend. The Moors, indeed, used to say that it 
was in retribution for these crimes that Afonso Dalboquerque 
deprived him of his kingdom. 

a Prince whose son was reigning, and visited the Court of China in 
1411. And the real chronology will be about midway between the 
estimate of De Couto and of the Commentaries ; that is, the commence- 
ment of the fifteenth century. 


According to the " Commentaries 11 . 

Bataratamurel, king of 


Parimiçura, king of = Parimiçuri. 
Palimbão, and 1st 
king of Malaca. 

1 | 2 

Adau. of the king of = Xaquendarxá, 2nd == A dau. of the king of 
Pace. king of Malaca. j China's Captain. 

Rajapute. === 

== Sultan Modafaixa, Three daus. married to 
3rd king of Malaca. the kings of Campar, 

Pam, and Dandargiri. 

1 | 2 

A dau. of the king of === Sultan Marsusa, == A dau. of the 
Pam. 4th king of Malaca. mane. 

i. A 

A son, poisoned. 

A dau. of the king of === Sultan Álaoadim, =j= A dau. of the Bendara. 
Campar. | 5th king of Malaca. 

Sultan CeleimSo. 

Sultan Mahamet, 

6th and last king of 


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And when these men were dead, he seized all their 
property! amounting to about fifty quintals of gold, and 
took all their wives and daughters to be his concubines — 
about fifty women of great price. Thus there were in 
Malaca, from the first king who founded the city to the 
time of Sultan Mahamet, in whose time Afonso Dalbo- 
querque took it, six kings, that is to say, Parimiçura, 
Xaquendarxá, Sultan Modafaixa, Sultan Marsusa, Sultan 
Alaoadim, Sultan Mahamet. And Malaca became so noble 
that they used to say, when Afonso Dalboquerque took it, 
that the city and the suburbs contained about a hundred 
thousand inhabitants, and extended a good league's length 
along the sea. 


Of the customs and government of the city of Malaca. 

This port of Malaca is very safe ; there are no storms to 
injure it, and never was a ship lost there. It forms a point 
where some monsoons commence and others end, so that 
the inhabitants of Malaca call those of India people of the 
West, and the Javanese, Chinese, and Gores, 1 and all other 
of those Islanders, people of the East ; and Malaca is the 
middle of all this, a sure and speedy navigation, such as 
Singapura never had, for in the shoals of Capacia many a 
ship has been lost. And those which come from the east 
to the west find here western merchandize, and carry it 
away with them, leaving that which they bring of theirs 
here instead, and in like manner do they who come from 
the west. By these means Malaca gradually increased to 
so great an extent, that whereas the place used once to be 
a village of Pace, Pace became at length a village of 

1 These are described farther on in this chapter. 

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Malaca, for most of the Moors of Pace came thither to 

Every year there used to come to Malaca ships of Cam- 
baya, Chaul, Dabul, Calicut, Adem, Meca, Xaer, 1 Judá, 
Choramendal, and Bengala, of the Chinese, Gores, and 
Javanese, of Pegú, and all those parts. But those of Sião 
did not come to Malaca with their merchandize, because 
they were continually at war with the Malays. And I 
verily believe, according to information which I have 
obtained concerning the affairs of Malaca, that if there 
were another world, and another navigable route, yet all 
would resort to the city, for in her they would find every 
different sort of drugs and spices which can be mentioned 
in the world, by reason of the port of Malaca being more 
commodious for all the monsoons from Cape Comorim to 
the East, than any other ports that exist in those parts. 
But I do not describe particularly the other advantages that 
are possessed by this port of Malaca on account of the 
monsoons, which enable a navigable intercourse to be main- 
tained in those parts independently of the shallows of 
Capacia, in order that I may not make too long a digression. 

The Malays are proud men by nature, and esteem them- 
selves highly for killing men adroitly with stabs of the creese. 2 

1 Xaer, or Shehr, a port on the coast of Arabia, between Adem and 
Dofar, 14 deg. 44 min. N., 49 deg. 40 min. £. 

8 Bluteau describes the Crte, or Creese, the national arm of the 
Malays, as a kind of dagger, with a flat blade, sometimes undulating at 
the sides, and poisoned. The poison is applied in two ways, either by 
steeping the weapon in the juice of herbs, and bo applying the poison 
whenever it is required to use it ; or, by incorporating the poison into the 
temper of the blade, in order that the metal may be thoroughly imbued 
with it. Of this latter kind, there are some specimens which cost as 
much as a thousand patacas (piastres), for the makers spend much time 
in their manufacture, using many superstitions and observing certain 
periods for the tempering. They strike a certain number of blows on 
certain days of the month for the forging, and sometimes the ceremony 
of this work lasts, with mysterious interruptions, for more than a year. 

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They are malicious, generally of little truth, yet the Gores 
always used to be truthful because they held it to be a high 
honour that men should trade with them, for they are a 
noble race, and one of good customs. The Malays are 
gallant men, they wear good clothing, they will not allow 
anyone to put his hands on their heads, nor on their 
shoulders. All their delight is in conversing about military 
matters, and they are very courteous. No one is allowed to 
wear yellow colours under pain of death, except only the 
king of the land, unless he be a person to whom the king 
gives permission to do so in order to show him honour. 
The Fidalgos, when they speak to the king, have to stand 
off from him at a distance of five or six paces. 

In the hot season the poison which is communicated by the eras is so 
subtle, that, from a light prick or a mere scratch, it reaches the heart 
and kills. The only remedy is for the wounded person immediately — 
comer do seu próprio esterco. 

Mr. H. Syer Cuming, F.S.A.Scot., whose collection of ethnographical 
objects is very extensive, has kindly given me the following notes con- 
cerning this weapon : — " The Kris may be regarded as the typical or 
national weapon of the Malays of Java and Sumatra. It is a dagger 
with a waved or serpentine double-edged blade, varying from Icsb than 
eleven to full fourteen inches in length, and gradually widening from 
the point to the grip, where it has a rather sudden expansion, which is 
always more or less richly decorated on one side with a perforated 
device. This device occasionally takes the form of the head of a serpent, 
the body of the reptile constituting a sort of mid-rib, running nearly 
the whole length of the blade; which, it is well to state, is of fine 
watered or damasked steel, and it is a common practice to dip this blade 
in poison before going into action. 

44 The hilt, or grip, of the kris has a singular curve or bend on one side, 
and is generally wrought of a beautiful rich brown wood which takes a 
high polish ; but ivory is sometimes employed. The grip is almost con- 
stantly carved; the decorations, however, vary from a few slight cuttings 
to elaborate designs. 

" The wooden sheath of the kris is also of peculiar fashion, having a 
broad wing on one side to receive the sharp projecting portion of the 
blade, and it further serves as a support to the weapon when worn in 
the waist-girdle." 

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The lords who are adjudged to suffer penalty of death 
have the honourable privilege of dying by the creese, and 
the nearest relation of the sufferer is the one who kills him. 
If any man of the people die without heirs, his property 
goes to the king ; and no one can marry without permission 
from the king or the Bendará. If anyone take his wife in 
adultery, he may kill within his house both of the parties, 
but not outside the house, neither can he kill the one 
without the other, but he must accuse them before the 
judge. In the case of a fine for injuries, when it has been 
imposed, the kings used to take half of the money, and the 
injured person the other half. In Malaca there were divers 
manners of administering legal punishment, according to 
the nature of the crime : some were thrust upon spits, 
others struck forcibly on the breast ; l some hanged, others 
boiled in water ; others roasted and given as food to certain 
men who are like wild men, from a land which is called 
Daru, whom the king brought to Malaca to eat those 
condemned to this death. And of every man who dies at 
the hands of the law, the king takes the half of the pro- 
perty when there are heirs, and the whole of it when there 
are none. 

There used to be in Malaca five principal dignities. The 
first is Pudricaraja, which signifies Viceroy, and after the 
king this one is the greatest. The second is Bendará, who 
is the Controller of the Treasury, and governs the kingdom. 
Sometimes the Bendará holds both of these offices of Pudri- 
caraja and Bendará, for two separate persons in these two 
offices never agree well together. The third is Lassamane; 
this is Admiral of the Sea. The fourth is Tamungo, who is 
charged with the administration of justice upon foreigners. 
The fifth is Xabandar; and of these there were four, one of 
each nation— one of China, another of Java, another of 
Cambaya, another of Bengala. And all the lands were 

* Acotovelados noa peitos; lit., elbowed, or struck with the elbow. 

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divided among these four men, and every one had his 
portion, and the Tamungo was Judge of the Custom House, 
over all these. 

One may well and truly say that Malaca, in point of fact, 
and merchant trade, is the most extensive place in the 
world, and her laws were always very strictly obeyed, and 
the city had need of great • persons to govern it, as well in 
the administration of justice as also in the management of 
the public property, for it deserves this; but had the city been 
fairly well governed, Malaca had never ceased to be as it 
was of old. Yet I do not speak here of the numerous lands, 
islands, kingdoms, and provinces that lie round these parts, 
although I had* certain information of them in the letters 
which I used to see from Afonso Dalboquerque to the king, 
D. Manuel, wherein he gave him account of all those parts 
of the world, for my intentions are to write only of the 
labours and conquests of Afonso Dalboquerque, and all else 
I leave to him who will do it better than I can. I will only 
here make mention of the Gores, as it is necessary I should 
do so for the sake of this history. 

As for the Gores, according to the information which 
Afonso Dalboquerque [obtained] when he took Malaca — 
although now we have more correct accounts concerning 
them, at that period it was reported that their province was 
on the mainland — the general opinion of all is that their land 
is an island, and they navigate from it to Malaca, whence 
come every year two or three ships. The merchandizes which 
they bring are silk, silk-stuffs, brocades, porcelain, a great 
quantity of corn, copper, rock alum, and frusseria? and 
they bring a great deal of gold in little cakes, stamped with 
the seal of their king. It could not be ascertained whether 
these little cakes were the money of that land, or whether 
they impressed them with that mark to show that it was a 

1 Frusseria ; gold or silver dust in its native state, as obtained from 
washings at the river mouth, or in mines. 

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thing which had passed through the port whence they 
brought it, for they are men of very reserved speech, and 
do not give anyone an account of their native affairs. This 
gold comes from an island which is close to theirs ; it is 
called Perioco, and in it there is much gold. 

The land of these Oores is called Lequea ; l the men are i 
fair ; their dress is like a cloak 2 without a hood ; they carry , 
long swords after the fashion of Turkish cimetars, but some- 
what more narrow ; they carry also daggers of two palms' 
length ; they are daring men and feared in this land [of 
Malaca]. When they arrive at any port, they do not bring 
out their merchandize all at once, but little by little ; they 
speak truthfully, and will have the truth spoken to them. 
If any merchant in Malaca broke his word, they would im- 
mediately take him prisoner. They strive to dispatch their 
business and get away quickly. They have no settlement 
in the land, for they are not the men to like going away 
from their own land. They set out for Malaca in the 
month of January, and begin their return journey in 
August and September. The usual course of their naviga- 
tion is to beat up the channel between the Islands of Celate 
and the point of Singapura, on the side of the mainland. 
At the time when Afonso Dalboquerque set sail for India, 
after having captured Malaca, there had arrived two of their 
ships at the gate of Singapura, and they were coming on to 
Malaca, but by the advice of the Lassamane, who was the 
king of Malaca's admiral of the sea, they remained where 
they were, and would not pass up, having learned that 
Malaca had been taken by the Portuguese ; but when the 
governors of the land were informed of their position, they 

* Lew-Chew, or Loo-Choo, Islands, in the Chinese Empire, 26 deg. 
30 min. N., 127 deg. E. 

' Balandrois ; the balandrdo is an ample cloak used by several reli- 
gious fraternities in Portugal. 

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sent a safeguard for them, and a flag of truce, and then 
they came on immediately. 

This Lassamane was a man of eighty years of age, a good 
soldier, and of good repute and great knowledge : when he 
perceived that the king of Malaca was lost, he went and 
settled in Singapura, and after Afonso Dalboquerque was in 
possession of Malaca, he came down to the River of Muar 
and sent to ask a safeguard, declaring that he was desirous 
of returning to live at Malaca and serving the king of 
Portugal. Afonso Dalboquerque sent him the safeguard; 
nevertheless he would not come, and it was thought that 
some of the Moors of Malaca, hoping to gain favours from 
Afonso Dalboquerque and obtain the government of the 
land, had written something to this Lassamane, whereby 
they had prevented his coming, for they feared that as he 
was a man of uncommon capabilities, Afonso Dalboquerque 
would seize the opportunity to make use of him for the 
governing of Malaca. 


Of the message which the great Afonso Dalboquerque sent to the king 
of Malaca, and of the council which he held with his captains con- 
cerning the letter which Ruy de Araújo sent him. 

The great Afonso Dalboquerque perceiving the pride of 
the king, and the little dread he had of the Portuguese 
fleet, — remembering, too, the events which had happened to 
Diogo Lopez de Sequeira, — became very despondent when 
he reviewed the course of this business, looking at the false- 
hoods and deceit which the king of Malaca was practising 
upon him. And contemplating all these things, Afonso 
Dalboquerque sent word how he had many times begged 
that the Christians might be surrendered, for the king had 
no right to detain them forcibly, because they had not 

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been taken prisoners in fair war nor by way of reprisals, 
but rather, on the other hand, under cover of his safeguard 
and that of his governors ; for when they were walking in 
the city unarmed, the king had ordered them to be put to 
the sword in the very streets by any who chose to kill them ; 
and although the king had declared that he had ordered 
his Bendara to be put to death because he had been the 
cause of the murder of the Portuguese, yet he, Afonso 
Dalboquerque, had received information that this man had 
been condemned to death on account of a treasonable 
offence, of which he had been guilty, in plotting to stir up 
a revolution against the kingdom ; and this was the truth, 
for all that the artful excuses about it had for the time 
been accepted, for after the death of the Bendara, the king 
himself had given orders for the Christians to be put to 
the torture, to the end that they should be compelled to 
become Moors, and some among them, who would not bear 
their sufferings, had renounced the Faith of Jesus Christ 
by force, yet he had pretended to take no notice of all 
these things, and put up with them to see whether it was 
possible to make a good peace and friendship with him. But 
since the king was so obstinate as to desire no kind of ter- 
mination to this business, he, Afonso Dalboquerque, would 
have him to know that none of the men in the fleet could 
bear to stay there day after day, without having wreaked 
their vengeance upon the treason which had been done 
in that city towards the captain and soldiers of the king 
of Portugal, whom the king of Malaca had ordered treason- 
ably to be put to death. 

Along with this communication which Afonso Dalbo- 
querque sent to the king of Malaca, he also wrote a letter 
to Ruy de Araújo, wherein he said how well aware he was of 
his obligation, and that of the captains and all the rest of 
the forces in the fleet, to die for the service of the king D. 
Manuel, his lord, and much more so in a war so just wherein 

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he had frequently justified himself; but that the king of 
Malaca had apparently obstinately made up his mind neither 
to deliver up the Christians nor to receive the peace and 
friendship which were offered to him on the part of the king 
of Portugal, for which reasons it was advisable to lay hold 
upon him, Ruy de Araújo, without any further delay ; but 
if this state of affairs should grow more serious, they must 
put up with their hardships and bear them with patience, 
for he on his part was bound, insomuch as it was to the 
advantage of the king of Portugal's estate, to make an 
end of this business and match his forces against those of 
the enemy, and the longer he delayed, the more time they 
had for fortifying themselves. 

Buy de Araújo replied, God grant that neither the fleet 
of the king of Portugal, nor his Portuguese themselves, 
should receive any affront or discomfiture in order to make 
his life secure, for he was also on his part bound to die for 
the service of God and of his king, and for the liberty of 
his countrymen, and he held it to be a good fortune for him 
that Our Lord had placed him in a state where he could die 
for his Holy Faith ; and, as for himself and his companions, 
he should not fail to do what was best for the service of the 
king of Portugal, for they were now quite resigned to any- 
thing that would happen to them ; and he would have 
Afonso Dalboquerque to know that the king of Malaca 
was making ready as fast as was possible, and that it was 
the Guzarates who were at work day and night upon the 
fortification of the stockades, for these were the principal 
people who could not bear that the Portuguese should get a 
footing in the land ; and if the Portuguese attack upon the 
city should be decided upon, it ought to be put into execu- 
tion as quickly as could be, without wasting any more time 
in discussing the terms of agreement, or making demands 
for the surrender of the Christians ; for he must know for 
certain that the king would not restore them to the Portu- 

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guese, except under compulsion ; and he was now become 
so puffed up with pride when he surveyed the great number 
of foreign soldiers that he had, that he thought of nothing 
less than actually capturing the Portuguese fleet. 

On receiving this reply from Buy de Araújo, Afonso 
Dalboquerque summoned a meeting of all his captains on 
board of his own ship, and gave them an account of all this 
which was contained in the letter, and seeing that the king 
of Malaca was fixed in this determination, he desired them 
to declare to him whether an immediate attack should be 
made upon the city, or a further exchange of complimentary 
negotiations be carried on. The captains replied to him, 
that for days past they had not thought it right for him to 
be so long-suffering towards the king; for since the very 
day of their arrival, the replies of the enemy had always 
clearly indicated that they did not desire to come to any 
understanding or friendship with them, and all these delays 
which had been set up were to enable them to make their 
preparations and fortify themselves, as Buy de Araújo had 
indeed often declared in his communications. 


Of the requisition which the great Afonso Dalboquerque ordered to be 
made to the king, signed by himself and all the captains ; and how 
the king sent him Ruy de Araújo and his companions whom he had 

Notwithstanding the above-mentioned opinion of the 
captains, the great Afonso Dalboquerque thought right, for 
the better qualification of these proceedings in the sight of 
God, and of the kings of all that land (that they should not 
say the Portuguese were tyrants) that he should first of all 
order a final and formal demand to be drawn up, and signed 
by him and by all the captains, and after this certain im- 

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provised attacks with a show of battle ; and this demand 
was forthwith forwarded to the king of Malaca by the hands 
of a Moor, who was employed in going backwards and 
forwards with these negotiations. 

The substance of the communication was to the effect that 
the king D. Manuel, his lord, had sent to the port of 
Malaca a captain, with certain ships, which came bearing 
more of merchandize than of men, out of a desire which he 
had of establishing peace and friendship with him ; but, in 
violation of the safeguard which both the king and his 
Bendará had granted to this captain, they had notwith- 
standing stolen all the property and murdered or im- 
prisoned the Portuguese — as had already been the subject 
of complaint — and laboured as much as they possibly could 
to seize his ships, but miraculously Our Lord had delivered 
them from their hands, the king of Malaca should therefore 
know for certain that unless orders were issued for the 
immediate release of the Christians and restitution of the 
property which had been captured in the ships, that he 
(Afonso Dalboquerque) would certainly destroy him, and 
take his city away from him, and he held God to be judge 
between them that he and his governors were the cause of 
their own destruction ; for, by following the advice of the 
Guzarates — deadly enemies to the Portuguese — he (the king 
of Malaca) would not take any steps towards concluding 
terms of peace with him ; and, as for the present fleet which 
he had now with him, it had no thoughts about the mon- 
soon — as the Guzarates had pretended to the king — neither 
was it losing any season of voyage ; nor was it searching 
for a cargo ; for the ships of which it was composed belonged 
to the fleet which the king of Portugal employed for the 
government of India, and it was of no consequence to them 
whether they remained one year or ten in that harbour; 
and the king of Malaca should rest quite sure that unless 
he gave up all thoughts of prosecuting the war which he 

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wished to make upon the captains and men of the king of 
Portugal, he would very soon lose his estate; and, as a 
material sign of all these things being in this position, 
Afonso Dalboquerque gave this token, that he shifted a ring 
he wore from one finger to another ; which he did forthwith 
in presence of his messenger, who took this declaration to 
the king. 

And the king of Malaca lost no time in sending the 
messenger back again to declare that his heart was good 
and sound, and he did not remember about Buy de Araújo 
and his Christians ; that the reason of not sending them 
was that he was having some clothing made for them ; and 
that he desired Afonso Dalboquerque would order his ships 
to withdraw from right in front of the port, in order that 
there might not arise any disputes between the Christians 
and the Moors, who had their ships there. 

Therefore, although Afonso Dalboquerque was well aware 
that this was only an artifice of the king, nevertheless, in 
order not to give him an opportunity of taking hold of any- 
thing for future complaint, he ordered the small vessels to 
withdraw and lie off outside the port ; and told the Moor, 
his messenger, that he was waiting for Buy de Araújo and 
his companions, and unless they were returned to him 
immediately, he should not trouble himself with any further 
parley or communications. The Moor went back with this 
message, and six days passed away without his returning 
with any reply to this. Afonso Dalboquerque, seeing this 
delay, would not wait any longer, and sent ten boats, with 
armed men in them, to set fire to some houses which stood 
close to the edge of the shore ; and to burn the ships of the 
Guzarates, in order that they should lose all hope of re- 
turning to their land so soon with a cargo, because they 
had taken so much trouble to prevent the settlement of 
differences between him and the king of Malaca; and to 
burn also all the other ships that lay in the port, except 

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only those which came from ports to the east of the Cape of 
Comorim, if they belonged to Hindoos. 

When these boats reached the houses they set them on 
fire immediately, and did the same to the ships. The 
king, now having experienced the determination of Afonso 
Dalboquerque, lost no time in sending back Buy de Araújo 
and the Christians, and with them a Moor to treat for terms 
of peace, asking him to send back detailed statements of his 
complaints, and he would do whatever was desired of him. 
But although Afonso Dalboquerque knew very well that 
this would not produce any effect, nevertheless he sent back 
certain statements of his demands, and told the Moor to 
declare to the king that these were the conditions on 
which only he would make peace and establish himself in 
the land. 

The king considered the articles, and conceded those of 
which Afonso Dalboquerque was most doubtful (which did 
not seem to him to be a good sign), viz., that he would 
agree to grant a site in the city on which to erect a 
fortress, and would pay in ready money for everything that 
had been taken from Diogo Lopez de Sequeira. Afonso 
Dalboquerque, employing artifices also on his side against 
the king, replied that although he attached greater im- 
portance to the other articles which he had sent than to 
those which the king had conceded, nevertheless he would 
consent to accept these concessions, that it might not be 
said that he was a hard man to please. 

To this reply no answer was ever sent back from the 
king, but some Moorish spies came disguised like merchants, 
and brought for sale musk, chickens, and other things ; and 
at other times there came the Moor who had been em- 
ployed to convey the communications between the king and 
the Portuguese, discoursing of matters which were nothing 
to the purpose. He pretended that he came to apprise 
Afonso Dalboquerque of many junks that were approaching 

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from various parts, armed and with forces on board favour- 
able to the king of Malaca, and of the great preparations for 
war that they carried. And when the Moor went off, there 
came out of the river a number of armed paráos making 
show of desiring to come to combat with our fleet ; yet with 
all this, Afonso Dalboquerque bore with it for some days, 
to see if they desired to follow good advice. But when he 
saw their stockades bedecked with flags, and everything 
arranged in order of battle, and that the king, being a 
tyrant who was anxious to keep up his position at all risks, 
and spending a great deal of his treasure to keep up his 
power, and to maintain it, was so blind that he did not see 
the danger that he ran of losing his kingdom, he considered 
with himself that this was a judgment that had come upon 
the king, and that Our Lord desired to make an end of him 
for good and all, and to cast the Moors, and the very name 
of Mafamede, out of the land, and to have his Gospel 
preached in those regions, and their mosques transformed 
into houses of God's praise by means of the king D. Manuel 
and by the labours of his subjects, so he gave orders for an 
attack with armed boats and two barges with heavy bom- 
bards, with the object of viewing the men who rallied at 
the alarm, and seeing where they had stationed their ar- 
tillery, and how they managed their defence. 


How the Chinese merchants, who were at Malaca, made their way to 
the great Afonso Dalboquerque ; and of what passed with him ; 
and of the council which he held with the Captains, Fidalgos, and 
Cavaliers of the Fleet to attack the city. 

Among the foreign ships which were in the port of 
Malaca, to which Afonso Dalboquerque would not have any 
injury done when he ordered those of the Guzarates to be 


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burned, were five Chinese junks, whose captains and crews 
the king of Malaca had detained for some days past, intend- 
ing to avail himself of them against the king of Daru, with 
whom he was at war, and this was their condition when 
Afonso Dalboquerque arrived with his fleet. But the king 
of Malaca, confident that the Chinese would never dare to 
fly away for fear of the Portuguese in the port, and also be- 
cause he had quite enough to do to look after himself and 
his country, ceased to think about thorn . 

When the Chinese perceived that they had greater free- 
dom than before, they sought a means of escape, and 
gathered themselves together in their junks. The crews, 
who were left on land, seeing their captains in safety, a few 
at a time, each one as best he might, made their way to 
them, and these captains, when they had reassembled their 
men, being thoroughly indignant against the king for the 
robbery and tyranny which he had exercised upon them in 
respect of their merchandise, and also in order to obtain 
security for themselves, came and offered themselves to 
Afonso Dalboquerque with their crews and ships, to help 
him in his war. 

He thanked them very much for their offers of help, but 
would not accept any assistance from them except the bar- 
ques 1 of their junks, to be used for disembarking his men 
on land, for should their business not succeed in the way he 
hoped in Our Lord that it would, if the Chinese were in 
opposition to the king of Malaca in the matter, they might 
hereafter be ill treated by the king for the part they had 

The Chinese replied, that seeing he would not accept 
their services, they begged him very much of his kindness 
to grant them permission to go away to their own land, 
and wherever they might encounter Portuguese, those 
should be ever remembered for the favour he had done 

1 Barcas. 

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them in letting them depart at liberty and get away from 
such a bad set of people as the Malays were ; and if Malaca 
should fall into his power, they would undertake that every 
year more than one hundred junks should come there with 
great quantity of merchandise; and with very courteous 
words they told him to take very good advice before he 
attacked the city, for there were inside it more than twenty 
thousand fighting men, Javanese, Persians, and Coraçones, 
men in whom the king reposed the greatest confidence; 
while of the natives, the king could have as many soldiers 
as he wished ; and he had twenty war elephants, with their 
castles well armed, and plenty of artillery and arms of every 
kind, which the Guzarates had brought for him from Oam- 
baya, and as for all other things necessary for the war, he 
was not in need of anything ; and unless the city were taken 
by starvation (though the inhabitants had provided even 
for this contingency), by stopping the supplies which came 
to her from Jaoa, they thought it very doubtful if any 
victory could be obtained against her; therefore they told 
him this, because they would be very sorry to see him in 
any peril. 

Afonso Dalboquerque told them that he thanked them 
very much for their advice, but he was already quite de- 
termined to undertake the matter ; and even if the king of 
Malaca' s power were great, still greater was the power of 
God, for whose faith they were fighting ; that he begged they 
would stay there a few more days to see what end came to 
Malaca, and then carry news to the king of China of all that 
might take place; and he would send them a galley in 
which they could be drawn up close by the place of disem- 
barkation, so as to see the great spirit with which the 
Portuguese would attack the. city, and their manner of 
fighting. The Chinese did as Afonso Dalboquerque ordered, 
and, with great concern that he would not have them serve 
him in that enterprise, went away to their ships and sent 
him the barques. 


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As soon as the Chinese had gone away, Afonso Dalbo- 
querque summoned a meeting of all the captains, fidalgos, 
and noble persons of the fleet, and recounted what had 
passed between him and the Chinese, and told them how 
much he took it to heart that these Chinese had declared 
to him that they looked upon the impending undertaking 
as of doubtful result, and, in order to get over his affront, 
he had made up his mind to attack the city before they set 
out for China, and erect therein a fortress of convenient 
dimensions, with determination to maintain it, for this was 
what would conduce most to the service of the king their 
Lord ; because, if they did not accomplish this, it was of 
little profit to stake very much upon the chance of capturing 
the city, seeing that Malaca was the principal seaport of the 
whole world, and thither resorted Moors from all parts in 
search for spiceries, especially from Cairo and Meca; as 
well as all the inhabitants of places to the eastward of the 
gates of the Straits. And these Malays were the people who 
did the most harm to the trade of India, so much so that the 
ships of Portugal, that were thither bound, ran great risk of 
being lost, unless it were a fleet of very large numbers, 
well provided with men and munitions of war. At all these 
things he begged them to look, and tell him, when their 
minds were quite made up, what they would have him do ; 
because, if they did not consider it advisable to construct a 
fortress, he would not jeopardise the life of a single cabin- 
boy for all the Moors that there were in Malaca. 

The captains, after many debates held concerning this 
matter, declared to him that they did not doubt that the 
service of the king would be furthered by their constructing 
a fortress in Malaca, with a view of securing the commerce 
of those parts, but the business would have to be under- 
taken when he had everything ready that was required, so 
that he could accomplish it in a short space of time ; and 
that his plan should be to attack the city and inflict a 

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punishment upon the king for his misdeeds, and overcome 
that pride which he had manifested; and, if after the 
capture of the city, the necessary materials for the construc- 
tion of the fortress could be got together, they then could 
make it, provided that they did not let the proper time 
slip away for their returning to the assistance of India 

Afonso Dalboquerque approved of this opinion which the 
captains had arrived at, and dismissed them to their ships 
to make ready against the time when he should let them 
know the day he had selected for the attack upon the city. 


How the great Afonso Dalboquerque, on the morning of St. James's 
day, attacked the city of Malaca, and what passed thereupon. 

The great Afonso Dalboquerque was so devoted to the 
Apostle St. James, that after it had been agreed by all that 
the city should be attacked, he delayed the completion of 
his preparations for some days, with the object of putting 
his hands to this work on that saint's day, for he trusted 
that through the prayers and merits of the saint, Our Lord 
would give them victory over it, as He had done in the 
capture of Goa. And when the time was come, he sum- 
moned the captains and declared to them that he was 
determined to attack the city upon the following day, which 
was the day of the Apostle Saint James, and it was neces- 
sary, before doing so, to discuss where and in what order 
they must disembark, in order that every one should know 
what duty was assigned to him. 

The captains began to give their opinions, but as there 
were various opinions among them, so that some said the 
attack should be made on one side and others on the other, 
Afonso Dalboquerque desired, before any final decision 
should be made, that Ruy de Araújo, who had consider- 

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able experience concerning the land, 1 should give his 

Ruy de Araújo declared that in his opinion they ought 
first to attack the bridge before anything else, for if they 
took that and made themselves strong in it, our people 
would be placed just between the city and the inhabitants 
of Upe, and the power of the king divided into two parts ; 
for one could not render any assistance to the other except 
by means of the bridge, which one hundred men, with small 
barricades that they could set up in it, could defend against 
every forcible attempt of the Moors that might be made ; 
but if the attack upon the city were made at any other 
parts, as some of the Lords who were there present advised, 
Malaca was of such a size and possessed so many fighting 
men in her population, that he, for his part, held the matter 
as very doubtful of success, and all would run a risk of 
being lost. 

Without listening to any further advice, as soon as Afonso 
Dalboquerque had heard Buy de Araujo's words, he agreed 
with the opinion he gave, and immediately gave orders that 
the captains, with their men in two battalions, should pro- 
ceed to attack the bridge. D. João de Lima, Gaspar de 
Paiva, Fernão Perez Dandrade, Sebastião de Miranda, 
Fernão Gomez de Lemos, Vasco Fernandez Coutinho, and 
James Teixeira, with other fidalgos and soldiers of the fleet, 
to disembark on the side of the mosque ; while he himself, 
with Duarte da Silva, Jorge Nunes de Lião, Simão Dan- 
drade, Aires Pereira, João de Sousa, Antonio Dabreu, 
Pêro Dalpoem, Dinis Fernandez de Melo, Simão Martinz, 
Simão Afonso, and Nuno Vaz de Castelo-branco, with all 
the rest of the armed foroes, would disembark on the oifcy 
side; and after an entry had been effected through the 
stockades, one and all were to rush on towards the middle 

1 Compare this with what is written of Buy de Araújo at the end of 
chapter xxiv, p. 111. 

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of the bridge, until they could estimate the strength of the 
enemy and in what direction their spirit led them, for in 
an affair of which they had not yet seen the result, he 
could not come to any other determination than ordering 
this only, that where they saw his flag flying, there all 
should concentrate themselves. 

Having given these orders, he dismissed the captains to 
go and get ready, and on the following day, when they heard 
a trumpet sounded, come on board his ship so as to set 
forth therefrom. 

Two hours before the break of day Afonso Dalboquerque 
ordered the trumpet to be blown, in order to awaken them, 
and they embarked immediately with all the rest of the 
men-at-arms and went on board his ship, and when a 
general confession had been made, all set out together and 
came to the mouth of the river just as morning broke, and 
attacked the bridge, each battalion in the order which had 
been assigned to it. 

Then the Moors began to fire upon them with their artil- 
lery, which was posted in the stockades, and with their 
large matchlocks 1 wounded some of our men. 

As soon as the first fury of their artillery was spent, the 
great Afonso Dalboquerque gave order for the trumpets to 
be blown, and with a war-cry of " Sanctiago", i.e., " Saint 
James", they all, with one accord, fell upon the stockades 
of the bridge, each battalion in its proper place, and from 
on this side and on that an infinite number of Moors rushed 
up, some with bows and arrows, and others with long lances, 
and shields like those of Biscay, blowing their horns 2 and 
trumpets, and for a good space of time they fought very 
bravely, and defended the stockades; but our men, who 
had disembarked on the side of the mosque, by dint of arms 

1 Espingarddes ; the espingardâo was probably a large kind of espin- 
garda, or matchlock, a word of frequent use throughout the text of the 
Commentaries. * Anafis. 


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forced their way through them j 1 and at this very moment 
the king of Malaca came up mounted upon an elephant, and 
his son upon another, with a body of armed men, and ele- 
phants armed with wooden castles, containing many war- 
like engines, and compelled the Moors to return to tho 
stockades which they had deserted. 

D. Jo&o de Lima, Fernão Perez Dandrade, and all tho 
others who were in that company were inspired with fresh 
vigour at the sight of the king, and without auy fear 
of his elephants attacked the Moors in so spirited a 
manner, that they got possession of the mosque imme- 
diately. Afonso Dalboquerque, who remained on the side 
nearest to the city with all the other captains and men, 
attacked the bridge on that side, and although his divi- 
sion met with great resistance by reason of the presence 
there of a large part of the force which had accom- 
panied the king, very well armed, many of them with bows, 
others carrying blowing tubes 2 with poisoned arrows, 
wherewith they wounded a great many of his men, never- 
theless anxiously emulating the captains of the other bat- 
talion who had by this time become masters of the mosque 
and the head of the bridge, they fell upon the Moors so 
bravely that they got into their stockades by force of arras, 
and killed many of them, and put them to flight. On our 
side many were wounded, and some died of the poisoned 

1 ...... e defenderam as estancias; mas os nossos, que eram daqnella 

banda da mesquita, por força darmos os entraram ; there ia probably a 
typographical error in the latter part of this extract, for the os before 
entraram refers to estancias, and should be as to agree with this word. 

7 Zarvatanas com setas erradas; this word is also written Sarabatana, 
and Zaravatana, by Vieyra, who calls it "a sort of speaking trumpet' 1 . 

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How Tuáo Bandão, captain of the king of Malaca, perceiving the dis- 
persion of the Moors, went to their assistance with a body of 
soldiers, and what passed thereupon; and how the king took to 
flight, and our men pursued him. 

No sooner did Tuáo Bandão, captain of the king of 
Malaca, who held a stockade on the bridge, bedecked with 
flags of his colours, perceive the discomfiture of the Moors, 
than he sallied out with seven hundred Javanese, and other 
two captains with him, and went to reinforce the bridge on 
the city side, with the intention of falling on our men in the 
rear. When Afonso Dalboquerque caught sight of them 
coming along one of the principal streets of the city, he dis- 
patched from his company João de Sousa, Antonio Dabreu, 
and Aires Pereira in command of their men, with orders to 
fail upon the advancing body, and this they did so rapidly, 
that before the Moors could get up as far as the stockades, 
they fell upon them with the lance with such impetuosity 
that they made them turn and fly. 

D. João de Lima, and other captains who were on the 
side of the mosque, when they saw these Moors, ran up to 
attack them in front, and there and then killed several of 
the body. The others, perceiving themselves cut off in 
front and in rear, all threw themselves into the sea. And 
the mariners, who were in the boats, came up without a 
moment's delay and put them all to death, so that not a 
single man was left, their captain, Tuáo Bandão, being 
already dead, as well as the two captains who had set out 
with him ; and when they had accomplished this business 
they went back to the stockades. 

D. João de Lima, and the others who formed his company, 
seeing, after they had established themselves in the stock- 
ades, that the king was retiring by a side path up the hill, 




set out in pursuit after him, fighting with the Moors at' 
every step. The king and his son, who were mounted upon 
their elephants, saw that they were pursued by our men, 
turned back again with two thousand men whom they 
carried in their company. The Portuguese captains awaited 
their coming at the head of a street, and with great efforts 
and brave determination fell upon the elephants with their 
lances, as they were coming on in the vanguard, and it is 
related that Fernão Gomez de Lemos was the foremost in 
this action ; and whereas elephants will not bear with being 
wounded, they turned tail and charged the Moors behind 
them and put them to rout. The elephant on which the 
king was riding, mad with the mortal wound which it had 
received, seized the black man who was guiding it with its 
trunk, and roaring loudly, dashed him in pieces, and the 
king being already wounded in the hand, sprang out of the 
castle, but escaped because he was not recognised; and 
thus he and his son, and the king of Pão, 1 his son-in-law, 
who had come to Malaca but a few days^ before to marry 
one of the king's daughters, retreated to the back of the 

Afonso Dalboquerque, with the rest of his men, — having 
forced an entrance through the stockades, — followed up 
after the Moors along a street which led to the bridge, and 
killed many of them ; but because the men of the city, who 
were fighting in the streets with our forces, were very 
numerous, Afonso Dalboquerque, fearing lest his party 
should begin to straggle, made them rally towards the 
bridge, and ordered them to erect a palisade on the city 
side ; and gave charge over it to Jorge Nunez de Lião and 
Nuno Vaz de Castelo-branco, with orders for them to com- 
mand one of the principal streets leading to the bridge with 
their artillery. 

When the Moors saw this they gathered themselves to- 
1 This word is written Pam in the previous chapters. 

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gether in the other streets of the city, and Afonso Dalbo- 
querque feeling himself at length free of them, gave orders 
that another palisading should be erected on the side to- 
wards the mosque, starting from the river to reach np to 
the mosque, in such a manner that the bridge remained in 
the middle [between this palisade and the one mentioned 
above]. And while these palisadings were in progress of 
formation, he sent Gaspar de Paiva with a hundred men to 
set fire to the city from that side as soon as the sea-breeze 
should begin to blow, and Sim&o Martinz with another party 
of a hundred men, to set fire to the king's houses which 
stood at the side of the mosque. When the fire gained 
possession of one part and the other, it raged so fiercely 
that it destroyed a great part of the city. As soon as the 
Moors beheld the flames, they retired a long way off from 
our men. 

Here was burnt a wooden house, of very large size and 
very well built with joiners' work, about thirty palms 
breadth solid timber, all inlaid with gold, built up on thirty 
wheels, every one of which was as large as a hogshead, and it 
had a spire, which was the finishing-point of the building, of 
great height, covered with silken flags, and the whole of it 
hung with very rich silken stuffs, for it had been prepared 
for the reception of the king of Pão and his bride, the 
daughter of the king of Malaca, who were to make their 
entry through the city with great blowings of trumpets and 
festivities ; and in the houses of the king, and the other 
houses round about, which were burned, there was con- 
sumed by fire a great store of merchandise and other 
things of great price, which the king had in his palace. 
And when this was completed, they returned again to the 
bridge where our men were stationed; and it was about 
two hours after midday, and as yet the men had not eaten 

The captains, to whom Afonso Dalboquerque had en- 

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trusted the duty of constructing the stockades, went to him 
and told him that the men, being tired, and suffering from 
the great heat, were by this time quite out of heart with 
their work, and they recommended that they should with- 
draw and take some rest. Afonso Dalboquerque put them 
off, for he hoped to get the barricades completed, and so 
pass the night there; but because they came again with 
more earnestness to press this, he made a virtue of the 
necessity ; and, the sun being now gone down, he began to 
draw off his men to the boats. When the Moors perceived 
that they were withdrawing, they began to open fire with 
large matchlocks, arrows, and blowing-tubes, and wounded 
some of our men, yet with all the haste they made Afonso 
Dalboquerque ordered the men to carry off with them fifty 
large bombards that had been captured in the stockades 
upon the bridge ; and when the men had returned to the 
ships, he ordered the wounded to be attended to — about 
seventy in number — but of those who were struck with the 
poisoned arrows, none escaped but one, Fernão Gomez de 
Lemos, who was burned with a red-hot iron directly he was 
struck, so that ultimately God spared his life. 


How the king of Malaca, after the Portuguese had withdrawn to their 
ships, began to reconstruct the stockades and fortified his position 
on the bridge ; and of the message which Utemutaraja sent to the 
great Afonso Dalboquerque. 

Directly that all had retired into the ships, the king 
ordered that the stockades should be reconstructed, and made 
stronger than they had been before, and placed in them 
double jbhe quantity of artillery, of which there was a great 
supply in Malaca, as will be related hereafter, and ordered 
the bridge to be divided into sections with very strong 

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palisades, and erect others in one of the principal streets 
leading from the city to the bridge, and in them he placed 
much artillery, and on the other side of the mosque he did 
just the same, and on the shore side, where the landing- 
place was situate, he ordered his men to throw down many 
chevaux-de-frwe, full of poison, 1 to prick our men when they 
made their landing. And because the Javanese, who com- 
posed the principal soldiery under his command, were dis- 
contented at not receiving their pay, in order to content 
them, he ordered that they should be paid all that was due 
to them of their pay, and three months in advance as well, 
for he was in great dread lest Afonso Dalboquerque should 
return again to attack the city. And while he was thus 
occupied with the fortifying of his stockades, a Javanese 
headman, who was called Utemutaraja, 8 who lived in the 
settlement of TJpe, and had about five or six thousand 
Javanese slaves of his own or of his sons and sons-in-law, 
a very rich man, and one who traded very extensively to all 
parts of the world, sent a present of sandal woods to Afonso 
Dalboquerque, and secretly begged a safeguard for him- 
self and for all that settlement wherein he lived, declaring 
that he desired to have peace and friendship with him, and 
to serve the king of Portugal in all that lay in his power. 

Afonso Dalboquerque accepted his offer of friendship, 
and sent him the safeguard and sometimes some presents, 
always striving to keep him on our side. Now, although 
the agreement which had been made with this man stipu- 
lated that he should give no assistance, and show no favour 
to the king of Malaca, after three days, Afonso Dalboquer- 
que sent and told him that he had been informed that after 

1 Mandou lançar muitos abrolhos, cheios de herva, etc. The word 
herva is used in the concluding sentence of the previous chapter in the 
signification of poisonous juice of herbs; but in this passage, although I 
prefer the translation I give above, there is a possibility of the word 
being used in the sense of grass or prickly brushwood. 

* The latter part of this name is evidently the titular designation 

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he had sent him the safeguard, he was nevertheless helping 
the king with his men to make the stockades on the bridge, 
which was not the thing that they both had agreed upon, 
neither was it according to the law of friendship for him to 
favour his enemies against him. Utemutaraja replied, that 
it was true he was rendering certain assistance of men to 
the king for constructing the stockades, but it was insigni- 
ficant, and he only did so to put him off his guard, for by 
no other means could he live in this, to him, a foreign land, 
unless he performed this service. 

But with all this provocation, Afonso Dalboquerque did 
not cease to adhere to his promise of safeguard, and ordered 
his captains that upon the inhabitants of the territory of 
Utemutaraja they should make no requisition ; and this he 
did, not because he had deserved any better treatment 
than tl^e others, but in order to have a fewer number of 
enemies in the city. And so also he gave the foreign 
Moorish merchants to understand, that he had not ordered 
a sacking of the city out of regard for them ; yet, neverthe- 
less, if the king would not give way in his opinions, he, on 
his part, could not restrain his men from destroying the 
city when they made a second attack upon it. And so 
from that time henceforward the merchants were the men 
who counselled the king not to desire war, but to come to 
terms, and make peace with Afonso Dalboquerque. But, as 
the king was now obstinately bent on his purpose, he did not 
fall in with their opinion, but told them that only a few 
days back they had given him exactly the opposite advice. 

When a few days had elapsed, Afonso Dalboquerque, 
seeing that the king had not sent him any reply, though he 
had already tasted the power and capability of the Portu- 
guese, became anxious, for he was forcibly compelled for a 
second time to risk his men in a danger like the past, to the 
end that he might achieve the taming of the king's pride ; 
and he had not in the land any means of building a fortress 

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— which it was his chief intent to do— neither could Ruy de 
Araújo give any advice on these events, for all the time he 
had been in captivity he had been shut up in a house. And, 
on the other hand, he saw that leaving Malaca in the power 
of the Moors meant total destruction to the trade of India 
and to our ships. And with these perplexed thoughts, 
which were constantly present in his mind, not knowing in 
what kind of conclusion this enterprise against Malaca would 
result, he placed everything in the hands of Our Lord, for 
this was always the best remedy that he could find in all 
his affairs ; and, putting his trust in Him, he began to give 
orders and make himself ready in some matters which were 
needful for the second attack upon the city. 


How the great Afonso Dalboquerque prepared himself for renewing the 
attack upon the stockades which the king had set upon the bridge : 
and how the Chinese desired of him permission to return to their 
land : and of the ambassador whom he sent with them to the king 
of Sião. 

When Afonso Dalboquerque perceived that the king, be- 
cause of the little account he made of the Portuguese — not 
taking to heart the lesson of experience which he had had 
the first day they attacked the city — was again setting up 
stockades on the bridge, with men and artillery for its de- 
fence, he determined in his invincible mind to attack it 
again, and break their pride ; and, with this object in view, 
he prepared a large junk, with many men and artillery, — be- 
cause these vessels are very lofty,— and it was to be placed 
in a position overtowering the bridge, in order that our men 
might avail themselves of its shelter, and more securely be 
able to attack the stockades which the Moors had built. 
And he appointed Antonio Dabreu captain of the junk, and 

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ordered him to arrange in it lodging- places for the soldiers, 
and provisions and all other things that were necessary for 
that affair. For, if any great rain-storm should occur, they 
could take shelter in it, and the supplies, of which they 
were in great need, would not be lost. And for guard over 
this junk he appointed a caravela, whereof Simão Afonso 
was captain, and the great galley in which Duarte da Silva 
went as captain, for its protection. And when all this was 
ready he told Antonio Dabreu to sail up along the river and 
pass over a spit of sand which lay before the bridge, while 
he himself, with all the rest of the men, would follow up 
close behind. But because the junk drew very deeply in 
the water, and could not pass over the spit on account of 
the neap tide, Afonso Dalboquerque desired, in order not to 
lose any more time, to send another junk with less draught 
of water, but this also could not pass over, so he was com- 
pelled to wait for the spring tide. 1 

When the king of Malaca saw that the junk could not 
pass the sand-bank, and that for all that it remained there, 
and did not go back again, he sent four barges full of firewood, 
and pitch, and oil, to set it on fire, and as soon as the tide 
began to run down they set them on fire, and let them go 
on the turn of the tide down the river straight towards the 
junk, and this they did for nine successive nights. 

Now, as Afonso Dalboquerque observed the order in 
which the Moors arranged themselves for the burning of 
the junk, he ordered the captains, when they had withdrawn 
each night, to make their arrangements for sleeping close 
by him in their boats, and with bowsprits and harpoons 
hung with iron chains to turn the fire-ships out of their 
course as they came on in flames, so as to prevent the junk 
from catching fire ; and they carried out this order so well 
that this design of the Moors was of no effect. And while 
this delay was going on, waiting for the spring tides, Afonso 

1 Spring tides rise 11 feet, neaps 8& feet, at Malacca in the Roads. — 
China Sea Directory, vol. i, p. 79, 1878. 

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Dalboquerque ordered the iron-smiths, whom he had brought 
from Goa, to set up their forges and begin to repair some 
weapons which were out of order, and they made a magazine 
for the crossbows, for they were in much need of it. And 
he ordered the Factor of the Fleet to get ready barrels, 1 
hatchets, hoes, picks, and all that was requisite, in order 
that when they had gained the bridge they might imme- 
diately set up stockades therein, and to arrange for the con- 
struction of mantlets, to the end that under shelter of them 
our men might go in better security from the enemy's bom- 
bards, and when all was completed and ready, to cause every- 
thing to be embarked on board of the large barques and 
junks which he had taken. 

And because Afonso Dalboquerque had been informed 
that the King had determined, as soon as our men disem- 
barked, to send down a number of watchboats and many 
launches by night to set fire to our Fleet, he ordered Pero 
Gonçalves, the Chief Pilot, with all the mariners, to go and 
sleep on board the ships every night, and he would give 
orders for a good look out to be kept over them, for if any 
alarm should occur he could render assistance if required. 

While Afonso Dalboquerque was engaged in arranging 
all these matters the Chinese Captains went to him and 
begged his permission for their departure, inasmuch as the 
season of their monsoon had arrived, and they begged also 
that he would of his kindness give permission likewise 
for their taking a little pepper which they had in their ships 
belonging to a Moorish merchant, a native of Malaca, from 
whom they had received very good treatment; and to do 
them a kindness he granted this permission, and gave 
orders that they should have given to them all the supplies 
which they needed for their voyage, and made them a 
present of a few things which he yet had left from Portugal, 
and desired them (seeing they were bent on going), to shape 

1 Pipas. 


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their course for Sião, for he wished to send in their company 
a messenger with letters for the Kiug. 

They were very happy at this result, and promised him 
that they would present the messenger to the King and 
return very soon with the reply, and would highly extol the 
prowess of the Portuguese and the little dread they had of 
encountering the enemy's bombards. 

Afonso Dalboquerque lost no time in making ready 
Duarte Fernandez, who had been in captivity with Ruy 
de Araújo and knew the language very well, and by him 
he wrote to the King of Sião of the events which had taken 
place in Malaca, and how his determination was to destroy 
the city and build therein a fortress, and cast the Moors out, 
and how pleased he would be if the people of his land [of 
Sião] would come and live it, and that the King D. Manuel, 
King of Portugal, his Lord, having been informed that he 
was a Hindoo and not a Moor, had much affection for him 
and desired to have peace and friendship with him, and had 
ordered him [Afonso Dalboquerque], as to all the ships and 
people of that kingdom desirous of trading in his ports, 
that he was to grant them all the safeguard that they fouud 
necessary. And by this Duarte Fernandez he sent the King 
of Sião one of our swords, all mounted in gold and precious 
stones, made after our fashion ; and Duarte Fernandez 
having been thus despatched, the Chinese set forth for their 
own land highly pleased with Afonso Dalboquerque. 


The speech which the great Afonso Dalboquerque made to the Captains 
and men of the Fleet for the second attack upon the city, and what 
passed thereupon. 

When the great Afonso Dalboquerque had all things 
ready that were necessary for attacking the city again, it 

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was reported to him that there were some among the 
Captains who were in the habit of saying that they did not 
think it of service to the King for them to maintain the 
city nor to build a fortress within it. On being apprised of 
this he ordered them to be called to his ship, with all the 
Fidalgos and Cavaliers of the Fleet, and said to them : — l 

" Sirs, you will have no difficulty in remembering that 
when we decided upon attacking this city, it was with the 
determination of building a fortress within it, for so it 
appeared to all to be necessary, and after having captured 
it I was unwilling to let slip the possession of it, yet, 
because ye all advised me to do so, I left it, and withdrew ; 
but being ready, as you see, to put my hands upon it again 
once more, I learned that you had already changed your 
opinion : now this cannot be because the Moors have de- 
stroyed the best part of us, but on account of my sins, 
which merit the failure of accomplishing this undertaking 
in the way that I had desired. And, inasmuch as my will and 
determination is, as long as I am Governor of India, neither 
to fight nor to hazard men on land, except in those parts 

1 Correa's version of this speech* which is given in the Lendas da 
India, vol. ii, pp. 232-234, is worthy of perusal here as showing how the 
two reports of the same event, each professing to be derived from 
authentic sources, differ from each other: u Senhores capitães, e nobres 
fidalgos, bem sabem vossas mercês que todo o estado d'El Bey nosso 
senhor depende e está posto nas vossas mãos, em que está muy seguro de 
nom receber quebra, nem falta, em quanto as vidas tiverdes nos corpos ; 
do que darão bom testimunho os que viverem, e eu, que o tenho bem 
visto com meus olhos, nunqua poderei dizer os grandes vossos mereci- 
mentos ganhados com vosso sangue e tantos trabalhos, a que EIRey 
nosso senhor vos he em muyta obrigac o, e satisfação que Sua Alteza 
nom faltará. Bem sabem vossas mercês que nós hiamos pêra o estreito 
de Meca, a que nos Sua Alteza mandava hir, com intento de sequar 
aquella navegação, e passagem da pimenta e drogas que os mouros lá 
passavão, que lhe fazem grande avesso a seus tratos ; ao que nos hiamos 
com toda* vontade, e polo querer de Nosso Senhor tivemos contrastes de 
ventos que nom consentirão que lá fossemos, e arribamos com tanto 
trabalho, e porque se nom perdesse o gasto que era feito n' armada, per 

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wherein I must build a fortress to maintain them, as I have 
already told you before this, I desire you earnestly, of your 
goodness, although you all have already agreed upon what 
is to be done, to freely give me again your opinions in 
writing as to what I ought to do ; for inasmuch as I have 
to give an account of these matters and a justification of 
my proceedings to the King D. Manuel, our Lord, I am un- 
willing to be left alone to bear the blame of them; and 
although there be many reasons which I could allege in 
favour of our taking this city and building a fortress therein 
to maintain possession of it, two only will I mention to you, 
on this occasion, as tending to point out wherefore you 
ought not to turn back from what you have agreed upon. 

". The first is the great service which we shall perform to 
Our Lord in casting the Moors out of this country, and 
quenching the fire of this sect of Mafamede so that it may 
never burst out again hereafter; and I am so sanguine as 
to hope for this from our undertaking, that if we can only 
achieve the task before us, it will result in the Moors re- 
signing India altogether to our rule, for the greater part of 
them — or perhaps all of them — live upon the trade of this 

conselho de vossas mercês bem atentado, foy assentado, pois tínhamos 
tempo, que viéssemos esta viagem a Malaca, pêra livrarmos os cativos, 
e tomar vingança d'esta cidade, dos mortos, e roubos que erâo feitos ; 
onde Nosso Senhor aquy nos aportou, e sobre bons conselhos ávidos 
cometemos esta guerra, que está no esta do que vedes, com que bem cer- 
tos estaes que a cidade será nossa polo querer de Nosso Senhor. Mas 
parece que averá algumas pessoas que farão duvida que sendo tomada 
nom será possível fazer n'ella forteleza e a sostermos, o que se assy nom 
fosse logo El Rey nosso senhor ficava com toda a perda, que são muytas; 
a saber : o gasto d'armada, perda de sua gente, e sobre tudo estas perdas 
sem nenhum frui to, que será grande sua perda, porque esta cidade he o 
celeiro de todolas drogas e riqas mercadarias, que os mouros de todas 
as partes da índia e do estreito de Meca aquy vem buscar, e levao suas 
nãos carregadas, e passão per antre as ilhas, e se colhem ao estreito muy 
seguro de os toparem nossas armadas, e as drogas que levão, que he 
grande soma, correm polo Cairo, e a Veneza, e d'ahy a ponente e levante, 
com que dão muy to abatimento ás drogas da casa da India, que vão ter a 
Frandes. Outras drogas passãò a índia, que nos vendem por tresdobro 

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country and are become great and rich, and lords of exten- 
sive treasures. It is, too, well worthy of belief that as the 
King of Malaca, who has already once been discomfited 
and had proof of our strength, with no hope of obtaining 
any succour from any other quarter — sixteen days having 
already elapsed since this took place — makes no endeavour 
to negotiate with us for the security of his estate, Our Lord 
is blinding his judgment and hardening his heart, and 
desires the completion of this affair of Malaca : for when we 
were committing ourselves to the business of cruising in the 
Straits [of the Red Sea] where the King of Portugal had 
often ordered me to go (for it was there that His Highness 
considered we could cut down the commerce which the 
Moors of Cairo, of Meca, and of Judá, carry on with these 
parts), Our Lord for his service thought right to lead us 
hither, for when Malaca is taken the places on the Straits 
must be shut up, and they will never more bo able to intro- 
duce their spiceries into those places. 

" And the other reason is the additional service which we 
shall render to the King D. Manuel in taking this city, 
because it is the headquarters of all the spiceries and drugs 

do que aquy as comprgo a troco de roupas de Cambava que trazem ; do 
qual trato de tantos anos os mouros de toda a Índia são grandes em 
muytas riquezas com que sgo senhores nas terras, e dos corações dos 
ReyB e senhores, com a qual possança nos tem feitos tantos malles em 
Calecut, e por todolas partes da Índia, que se o poder grande d'estes 
mouros nom fora, dormindo tivéramos a índia debaixo dos pés. Pois 
que mòr serviço podemos fazer a Nosso Senhor em favor de nossa santa fé 
senfio punirmos estes mouros, e seus tratos aquy os confundirmos e apa- 
garmos, que percão este tamanho bem como lhe aquy tomamos? £ pois 
está tão manifesto que este serviço nom faremos, indaque tomemos esta 
cidade chea d'ouro, se a nom deixássemos segura com segura forteleza, 
que durasse pêra sempre este tamanho serviço de Nosso Senhor, e d' El 
Rey, e seus vassallos que n'estos partes militamos; tomaremos estes 
tratos, com que nos faremos riquíssimos assy como o estão os mouros, e 
com lhe assy tomarmos seus proveitos os hiremos deitando fora da índia, 
que será quando a Nosso Senhor aprouver. 

11 £ pois tomando nós agora esta cidade, com sua tanta riqueza, ser& 
pêra nós grande honra e proveito, e d'El Key nosso senhor, que nos 

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which the Moors carry every year hence to the Straits 
without our being able to prevent them from so doing ; but 
if we deprive them of this their ancient market there, there 
does not remain for them a single port, nor a single situa- 
tion, so commodious in the whole of these parts, where they 
can carry on their trade in these things. For after we were 
in possession of the pepper of Malabar, never more did 
any reach Cairo, except that which the Moors carried thither 
from these parts, and forty or fifty ships, which sail hence 
every year laden with all sorts of spiceries bound to Meca, 
cannot be stopped without great expense and large fleets, 
which must necessarily cruise about continually in the offing 
of Cape Comorim; and the pepper of Malabar, of which 
they may hope to get some portion because they have the 
King of Calicut on their side, is in our hands, under the 
eyes of the Governor of India, from whom the Moors cannot 
carry off so much with impunity as they hope to do ; and I 
hold it as very certain that if we take this trade of Malaca 
away out of their hands, Cairo and Meca are entirely ruined, 
and to Venice will no spiceries be conveyed except that 
which her merchants go and buy in Portugal. 

mantém, e sostem nossas gerações, e com sen tanto gasto aqny somos 
aportados com esta armada, e com os poderes d'ella ganhámos, e El Rey 
tudo ficaria perdendo se lhe nom déssemos premirias do seu gasto e 
nossa obrigação, que lhe forçadamente devemos, que ha de ser aquy lhe 
fazermos sua forteleza com nossos trabalhos, porque possamos dizer que 
ganhámos esta cidade ás lançadas com nosso sangue, e lhe entregamos 
arrematada pêra sempre em seu serviço, pedindolhe que este tamanho 
serviço nos pague a nossos filhos e gerações, do que elle se nom poderá 
escusar ; tudo, senhores, vos he presente, porque cada hum por seu 
assinado me ha de dar sua determinação, pêra me eu livrar ante Sua 
Alteza de quem me accusar. Pêra que sem duvida lhes affirmo que 
indaque n'esta hora Malaca se me entregasse, com toda sua riqueza, a 
não tomaria se n'ella nom ouver de fazer a milhor, e mais forte, e pos- 
sante forteleza que ouver n'estes partes ; pois Malaca he a mais populosa 
cidade da índia, que está no meo e estremo de todolas riqas mercadarias 
e tratos que por ella correm. E pois, senhores, tudo lhe tenho apresen- 
tado, vossas mercês agora se determinem no que façamos, porque eu 
nada hey de fazer, senão o que per elles for assentado." 

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" But if 70a are of opinion that, because Malaca is a large 
city and very populous, it will give us much trouble to 
maintain our possession of it, no such doubts as these ought 
to arise, for when once the city is gained, all the rest of the 
Kingdom is of so little account that the King has not a 
single place left where he can rally his forces ; and if you 
dread lest by taking the city we be involved in great ex- 
penses, and on account of the season of the year there be 
no place where our men and our Fleet can be recruited, I 
trust in God's mercy that when Malaca is held in subjection 
to our dominion by a strong fortress, provided that the Kings 
of Portugal appoint thereto those who are well experienced 
as Governors and Managers of the Revenues, the taxes of 
the land will pay all the expenses which may arise in the 
administration of the city; and if the merchants who are 
wont to resort thither — accustomed as they are to live 
under the tyrannical yoke of the Malays — experience a taste 
of our just dealing, truthfulness, frankness, and mildness, 
and come to know of the instructions of the King D. 
Manuel, our Lord, wherein he commands that all his sub- 
jects in these parts be very well treated, I venture to affirm 
that they will all return and take up their abode in the city 
again, yea, and build the walls of their houses with gold ; 
and all these matters which here I lay before you may be 
secured to us by this half-turn of the key, which is that we 
build a fortress in this city of Malaca and sustain it, and 
that this land be brought under the dominion of the Portu- 
guese, and the King D. Manuel be styled true king thereof, 
and therefore I desire you of your kindness to consider 
seriously the enterprise that ye have in hand, and not to 
leave it to fall to the ground." 

When the great Afonso Dalboquerque had brought his 
harangue to an end in the words which I have recounted, 
the Members of the council held among themselves divers 
opinions, some leaning to this, and others to that side, and 

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the result of the meeting was that the majority again de- 
clared that it would be of service to the King to take the city 
of Malaca and cast the Moors out of it, and build a fortress 
therein. The others were of a contrary opinion, and declared 
that the city ought not to be again attacked, for it was very 
doubtful if the undertaking could be accomplished, and 
that the vengeance which had been meted out to the Moors 
for their treatment of Diogo Lopez de Sequeira and his 
men was sufficiently severe, and even if they had all things 
necessary for the construction of the fortress there was not 
time enough for its completion, for they were already at the 
beginning of the monsoon, and it was absolutely necessary 
to support India, for no one could tell how affairs at Goa 
had gone on since they had set out from that city. 

Afonso Dalboquerque, perceiving these differences of 
opinion which were held in the council, yielded to the 
majority and resolved to attack the city and fortify himself 
in it, and as for all other doubts which were raised by the 
opposite party, to put them into the hands of Our Lord 
Jesus Christ that He might order them all as best to his 
service, and he commanded that a formal resolution should 
be drawn up by the Secretary, whereunto he put his signa- 
ture, as did also all the Captains, Fidalgos, and Cavaliers 
who were there. 


How the great Afonso Dalboquerque again attacked the city according 
to the resolution which had been arrived at, and how he entered 
the bridge by force of arms and fortified himself on it. 

Having taken the opinions of the Captains, Fidalgos, and 
Cavaliers of the Fleet, under their signatures, as I have 
related, the great Afonso Dalboquerque made up his mind 
to attack the city, and taking it, by the aid of our Lord, to 

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fortify himself therein. And because the Moors were in an 
advanced state of preparation, and had arranged a better 
system of defence than they had on the first occasion when 
our men made an entry into the city, he decided with all the 
Captains to attack the bridge with his whole force in one 

Having agreed upon this method of attack, all went away 
to their respective ships to get ready, waiting for the day 
when it would be high water in the spring tides, so that the 
junk could get up to the bridge ; and when the time was 
come — on a Friday, two hours before morning — Afonso Dal- 
boquerque gave orders for the signal which he had agreed 
upon, to wake them, and they, as they were already prepared, 
came on board his ship, and from it set forth all together in 
their boats ; and when Antonio Dabreu in the junk had now 
arrived within a crossbow-shot from the bridge, the Moors 
began to open fire upon him from one side and the other 
with large matchlocks, 1 blowing tubes, and poisoned arrows; 
and with bombards which threw leaden shot as large as an 
espera 2 they swept the decks of the junk from one side and 
the other, and as Antonio Dabreu did not seek therein any 
place of safety where he could avoid the shots which they 
kept on pouring into the junk, he was the first who was hit 
with a bullet from a large matchlock, which struck him on 
the jaw and carried away many of his teeth and part of his 

Afonso Dalboquerque, who was in his boat close by the 
junk, seeing Antonio Dabreu wounded, ordered him, more by 
force than by his own wish, to be taken to the ship to have 
his wounds dressed, and appointed Pero Dalpoem to go on 
board the junk and act as Captain of it until Antonio Dabreu 
was well again. When the delay that had thus arisen had 

1 Espingardâes. 

1 Espera or Esfera, an ancient kind of artillery — Bluteau, a. v. But 
Bee also vol. ii, p. 129, note 5. 

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passed away — not much time having been wasted — they 
went on again a second time with the junk leading the way, 
in the order which they had appointed, and when the junk 
drew up alongside, as it was very lofty and quite overhung 
the bridge, as I have already said, the Moors, not being 
able to bear the severe handling which our men gave them 
from the round top of the mainmast 1 with many canisters of 
gunpowder, and darts, 2 and matchlocks, fled, deserting the 
bridge, and withdrew to the stockades which they had on 
the bridge, on this side and that. 

Afonso Dalboquerque, perceiving that the Moors were 
beginning to fall into confusion, ordered the Captains to 
press on more quickly at the oars, and all united in a body 
set to work to fall upon the stockades, according to the 
preconcerted arrangement. And although they found be- 
hind them a great force of Moors, who defended them for a 
considerable space of time with signal bravery, nevertheless 
our men got into the stockades and routed those who held 
them. In this affair of entering, many of our men were 
wounded and two or three killed, but it was at the cost of 
many Moors, who there lost their lives ; and Afonso Dalbo- 
querque, seeing himself now master of the bridge, remained 
where he was quietly with his flag and a part of his force, 
and gave orders to certain of the Captains to go and take 
the mosque, and to others to attack some palisades which 
the Moors had set up at the mouth of a street which led to 
the bridge, and that neither the one party or the other 
should leave their stations without his express orders. 

When the Captains arrived at the palisades, although they 
met with some amount of resistance, yet they bore them- 
selves so valiantly that they discomfited the Moors and 
got possession of the works. The others, however, to whose 
lot it fell to assault the mosque, found they had a heavy and 

1 De cima da gavea ; see Jal, Glossaire NauHque, s.v. Gavea. 
% Lanças de arremcço. 

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troublesome task before them, for in that place of defence 
there was the King with a large body of men and elephants, 
and the defence was maintained so vigorously that a consider- 
able space of time elapsed without our men being able to get 
in. Afonso Dalboquerque, seeing from the bridge the circum- 
stances in which our men were situated, made his way with 
all haste at the head of all his forces to succour them, and 
because at the mouth of a large street which led to the 
mosque, where he was, there were many Moors pressing 
on the flanks of certain Captains that were following 
the King, who was in flight with three thousand men 
armed with shields, he stayed himself there with his flag 
and his men, and sent the Captains word to remain quiet 
and rally towards the position he had taken up, for there 
were yet many Moors on their flanks, and then they with- 
drew at once ; and as soon as the junction of these forces 
had been carried out, Afonso Dalboquerque left in charge 
over the mosque and stockades Jorge Nunez de Lião, Nuno 
Vaz de Castelo-branco, James Teixeira, and Dinis Fernandez 
de Melo, with some of the men, while he himself, with the 
rest that remained, returned towards the bridge; and he 
ordered the Captains who were stationed on one side and on 
the other to stay where they were and not fight with the 
Moors, even if they came on and attacked them, until he 
had fortified the bridge; and ordered four large barques 
which he had, with great bombards, to pass over to the other 
side and sweep the field on one side and on the other, and 
cause the Moors to keep off so that the men could more 
securely work at the stockades ; and having arranged this 
he ordered them to take out of the junk all the munitions 
which he had brought, and began upon the stockades ; and 
as all went to work with willing hands, in a short space of 
time he had made two very strong palisades, one on the side 
of the city, the other on the side of the mosque, with barrels 
filled with earth, and wood, and he arranged in them mauy 

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guns : and ordered that the bridge and the junk should be 
covered with palm leaves, for the benefit of the men, for the 
sun was very strong and he was fearful lest they should all 
fall ill from the hard work they had to perform. 


How the great Afonso Dalboquerque ordered relief to be given to our 
men who were stationed at the mouth of the street which led to 
the bridge : and how Utamutaraja and Ninachatu, and other mer- 
chants, seeing the overthrow of the city, came and placed them- 
selves in his hands. 

While the great Afonso Dalboquerque was thus occupied 
in this eagerness to complete the fortification of the stock- 
ades which he was making upon the bridge, he saw that the 
Captains whom he had ordered to take up positions at the 
mouths of the streets were undergoing, rather than disobey 
his commands, much discomfort from the attacks made upon 
them by the Moors with bombards which they had placed 
upon the terraces of their houses, and with matchlocks with 
which they were firing upon them, so he dispatched with 
great haste Gaspar de Paiva, Fernão Perez Dandrade, Pêro 
Dalpoem, Antonio Dabreu, who was now by this time well of 
his wound in the jaw, to go and succour them with their 
men, along one of the streets of the city, and D. João de 
Lima, Aires Pereira, Simão Dandrade, Simão Martinz, and 
Simão Afonso, along another street which led up to a place 
where the Moors where at lance-thrusts with our men, and 
to patrol through all the city and not to give quarter to a 
single person they met, while he himself would come on 
behind them in support, with his royal standard; and 
although the Moors were very numerous, the Captains fell 
upon them so valiantly that, not being able to resist the 
fury of the onset with which they were attacked, they 

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turned their backs and threw themselves into flight, and 
some, indeed, among them, who were nearest to our men, 
cast themselves into the sea, thinking that thereby they 
ensured their safety. 

The mariners, whom Afonso Dalboquerque had ordered 
to man the skiffs and row up and down the river, came up 
at once and put to death every one whom they could get at; 
and when it was sundown the Captains withdrew to the 
bridge, where they now had their stockades very strongly 
built on one side and on the other, and Afonso Dalbo- 
querque took up his quarters in the middle, and they passed 
the whole of the night on the watch. And he ordered the 
Captains of the barques that were stationed in the river to 
keep up a continual fire upon the city all through the night 
with their bombards, and Pêro Gonçalvez, chief pilot, to 
take all the seamen to the ships to sleep there, and carry out 
the same instructions regarding the cannonade, and in this 
manner they remained all night. And it was a terrible 
thing to look at the city, for on account of the constant 
firing it seemed as if it were all on fire. 

When morning came, the Moors, terrified at the unex- 
pected misfortune which they witnessed, dared not appear 
in the streets, and this went on for a period of ten days 
running without any cessation by night or by day, and 
during this time our men were continually spilling the blood 
of the Moors, for inasmuch as the hunger they suffered was 
extreme, they risked their lives to go and look for food in 
the city, and there they lost their lives. And when they 
perceived the troubles that had fallen upon them, and the 
great peril they were in of losing their lives, and the hope- 
lessness of their case, some began to come to Afonso Dalbo- 
querque and beg for mercy; and the first who came were 
the Pégus, and these he received very kindly and gave 
them a safeguard to enable them to prosecute their voyage, 
and permission to carry with them their property, and in 

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like manner he allowed all the merchants who came from 
Cape Comorim to the eastwards, who had no ships there, 
free exportation of their merchandize, and they began to 
start their trade again, and revive the navigation from their 
lands to Malaca, and this was the principal reason why he 
did so. 

Utemutaraja, as I have already said, who had a safe- 
conduct from Afonso Dalboquerque, seeing the destruction 
of the city, and fearing that he should incur displeasure 
because his son had gone over to the assistance of the King 
against our men — although indeed he was well rewarded for 
it, for he was severely wounded and many of his men were 
killed — came and made excuses for the behaviour of his son, 
making a show of being highly delighted at the ruin which 
had fallen upon the King. He received him with benignity, 
but nevertheless gave orders to the Captains to go always 
armed with all their men, and keep a good look out, for 
there could be no reliance placed upon him. Euy de Araújo, 
remembering the kindnesses which he and the other christ- 
ians had received at the hands of Ninachatu, a Hindoo by 
nation, during their captivity, brought him to Afonso Dal- 
boquerque, begging that he would show him favour and 
honour him, for he could not repay him in any other way for 
the kindness of the treatment he had experienced. Afonso 
Dalboquerque entertained him, and told him that he would 
promise, before he left for India, he should be rewarded in 
accordance with what Euy de Araújo had said of him. 

And when Afonso Dalboquerque found himself less 
troubled by the uproars which the Moors caused by day 
and night, and that there was no longer in the city any 
force which could resist them, and as a recompense for past 
labours, he gave permission to everyone to sack the city, 
and free power to keep or dispose of everything they took, 
only warning them not to touch the houses or the subter- 

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ranean storehouses 1 of Ninachatu. When the city had been 
sacked, certain merchants, who had fled away to their 
country houses, seeing the kind way in which Ninachatu 
had been treated, sent and begged a safe-conduct from 
Afonso Dalboquerque that they might come to the city; and 
he granted this to all, except the Malays, who were natives 
of the country, for as to these he gave orders that all should 
be put to death wheresoever they were found. 

In this second time of taking the city, many of our men 
were wounded, and some of those who were wounded with 
poison died, but all the others were cured, because Afonso 
Dalboquerque took very good care to give orders for their 
cure, and of the Moors,women and children, there died by 
the sword an infinite number, for no quarter was given to 
any of them. Three thousand pieces of artillery were taken, 
and among them there were about two thousand in bronze, 
and one very large gun which the King of Calicut had 
sent to the King of Malaca. The rest were of iron, of 
the fashion of our beiços, and all this artillery had its proper 
complement of carriages, which could not be rivalled even 
by that of Portugal. Large matchlocks, poisoned blowing 
tubes, bows, arrows, armour-plated dresses, 2 Javanese lances, 
and other sorts of weapons, it was marvellous what was 
taken, besides much merchandize of every kind. 

1 Gudâes. Storehouses or rooms built partly above and partly under 
ground. For example, in Correa's account, when Afonso Dalboquerque 
laments that the fire will destroy the riches of the city : — " Se o fogo 
nos der a cidade, elle levará todo o bem que ella tem de riqueza, com 
que a gente ficaria com trabalho e sem proveito. 11 Ruy d' Araújo lhe 
dixe : " Senhor, posto que se queime Malaca, inda o milhor ficará, que 
está nos gudões, gue são casas de pedra fortes e meãs feitas debaixo do 
chão." — Lendas da índia, tom. ii, p. 236. And again, during the progress 
of the sacking : u Os capit&es, com suas quadrilhas de seus navios, ajun- 
tavão e metião fato em grandes casas pêra depois o mandarem embarquar. 
Estas fazendas estavSo em casas que tinhâo meãs feitas debaixo do chão, 
per cyma argamassadas por resguardo do fogo" — 76., p. 247. 

* Laudeis de laminas. 

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All this, and more which I leave, not to be prolix, Afonso 
Dalboquerque ordered to be divided among the Captains 
and among all the people of the Fleet, without taking any- 
thing for himself, except six large lions in bronze which he 
took for his tomb, and the bracelet, which I have already 
described, 1 and young girls of all the races of that country, 
and some toys, all which he took to send them to the 
King D. Manuel and to the Queen D. Maria, but they were 
lost in the ship Flor de la Mar, on the voyage back to India, 
as I shall narrate hereafter. 

Let not those who read this writing be astonished when I 
say that in Malaca were taken three thousand guns, for Buy 
de Araújo and Ninachatu declared to Afonso Dalboquerque 
that there were eight thousand in Malaca, and this may well 
be believed, for in Malaca were much copper and much tin, 
and the gun founders were as good as those of Germany; on 
the other hand, the city was a league in length, and when 
Afonso Dalboquerque disembarked they aimed at him from 
on all sides, whence it appears that even this number was 
insignificant in comparison to what was required for the 


Of how, after the Prince of Malaca had withdrawn from hia father, 
he came to the river of Muar and fortified himself therein with a 
number of stockades, and the great Afonso Dalboquerque sent a 
force against him, and put him to flight. , 

The great Afonso Dalboquerque, being desirous of setting 
the affairs of Malaca in order, determined to appoint Nina- 
chatu, because he was a Hindoo, Governor of the Quilins 2 

1 See pp. 61, 62. 

a In the view of Malaca given by Corrêa, Lendas da India, vol. ii, p. 
250. The u povoacS dos quyllys" is marked on the left of the city, and 
separated from it by a palisade. See also supra, p. 81, note 1. 

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and Chetins ; l and in order to make the Moors more secure 
he made Utemutaraja their principal- chief, and with these 
two men, as they were prominent persons, the people began 
to settle down quietly, and merchants, a few at a time, re- 
turned to the city ; but with all this Afonso Dalboquerque 
did not put too much confidence in them, especially in 
Utemutaraja, and in order to get rid of this suspicion which 
he had, he tried all he could to get the king into his hands, 
and with this end in view he sent many boats up the river 
and along the coast to see if they could take him. 

The king, owing to the constant alarms which arose 
every day, and knowing the desire which Afonso Dalbo- 
querque had of getting possession of him, fearing lest his 
own people should deliver him up, drew himself off from 
the city, a day's journey, taking with him some Malay mer- 
chants and his captains and governors of the land, with the 
intention of keeping in that neighbourhood, waiting for his 
Lassamane, the Admiral of the Sea, whom he had sent to 
the Island of Lingá, 2 to convey to them a numerous fleet 
with many men, and in their company the King of that 
Island who was called Rajalingá, 8 who was subject to him, 
with determination of returning against the city; but this 
did not come to pass, for the Rajalingá, knowing that 
Afonso Dalboquerque was in possession of the city, did not 
dare to come; and the King of Malaca, being of the opinion 
that Afonso Dalboquerque simply meant to rob the city and 
then leave it and sail away with the spoil he might get out 
of it, kept about that place for a space of ten days, in ex- 
pectation of the issue of these events. But when he was 
informed that Afonso Dalboquerque was beginning to estab- 
lish a fortress of timber 4 wherein to shelter himself, and so 

' See vol. ii, p. 130, note 2. 

» Linga Island, Sumatra, deg. 10 min. S., 104 deg. 45 min. E., 
lying to the south of Singapore. 
» This name is evidently but a title, " The Rajah of Lingá". 
« See p. 135. 

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acting as to shew his wish to make a settlement in Malaca 
with the intention of maintaining possession of it, terrified 
at this news, and not deeming himself safe in the locality 
where he then was, he went further off into the interior 
country, a distance of two days' march ; and because the 
party was sharply pressed for want of provisions the Prince 
separated himself from his father and set] out to pitch his 
settlement close to the river, and there he marked out some 
very strong stockades, and barred the river with a quan- 
tity of timber, so that our boats might not pass up to the 

As soon as Afonso Dalboquerque was informed that the 
Prince of Malaca was fortifying his position on the river, he 
despatched Fernão Perez Dandrade, Simão Dandrade, his 
brother, Gaspar de Paiva, Francisco Sarram, Aires Pereira, 
Ruy de Araújo, and Jorge Nunez de Lião, with four hundred 
Portuguese soldiers, and six hundred Javanese who were 
given for the purpose by XJtemutaraja, and the Pégu Cap- 
tains with three hundred of their men, to take boats and 
launches up the river and put to rout that nest of robbers 
which was beginning to form itself there, and they did so ; 
and when the expedition reached the stockade which the 
Prince had constructed, they began to root it up with ma- 
chines which they took with them for this purpose, and 
when they had rooted it up, they pressed on to attack the 
enemy at their fortifications. 

The Prince, when he saw the fleet and the determined 
spirit with which the men came on, struck his camp, with- 
out making the least show of resistance, and fled away to 
the place where the King was, which was about a day's 
journey distant, and our men entered in pell-mell into their 
buildings, and captured all that had been stored there which 
the Prince had been unable to remove ; among their spoil 
his palanquins, very rich and gilded, and painted, and seven 
elephants, with their castles and housings ; and having ob- 
tained this victory the force returned to the city. 

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When the Prince reached the place where the King his 
father was, there arose differences between them concerning 
the loss of Malaca, each one seeking to put off the fault 
from his own to the other's shoulders, and this dissension 
ran so high, that being thus divided in plans, and suffering 
also from the discomforts of famine, they departed and 
shaped their journey for the kingdom of P&o, through a 
region desert and marshy, mounted upon their elephants 
with their wives and children, taking with them fifty men 
whom they forced to accompany them in their flight. 


How the King of Malaca, after the Portuguese had gained the city from 
him, withdrew to the kingdom of Pab, and dispatched an Ambassador 
to the King of China, begging for succour. 

The King of Malaca, having arrived at the kingdom of 
Pfto, and seeing that there was no remedy for his misfor- 
tunes, determined to dispatch an Ambassador to the King 
of China, begging for succour, that he might be enabled to 
recover the city which he had lost, reminding him, with the 
object of obtaining a favourable reply to this request, of the 
ancient friendship which the Kings of Malaca had always 
kept up with those of China, and of the obedience which 
ijhey had shown them as their vassals ; and in order to give 
a greater appearance of authenticity to this embassy, he 
desired that it should be accompanied by one of his uncles, 
whose name was Tuâo 1 Nacem Mudaliar, in whom he re- 
posed the highest confidence ; and he, after receiving his 
order to depart, went and proceeded to embark at the river 
of Muar, 8 whence he set sail in a junk with his wife, accom- 
panied with certain Moors in his retinue; and when he 

1 This is the common Malay word for Lord or Master. 
* The river in Malaca, on which the city of Pahang or Pão is built. 


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reached the city of Cantão, 1 which is the port of China 
whither all those who sail to those parts are accustomed to 
make land, the Governors of that city — in accordance with 
the ancient custom which they keep up — immediately sent off 
a messenger to the King, who was in the interior a distance 
of a hundred and eighty leagues, giving him notice of the 
arrival of the Ambassador of the King of Malaca, and ask- 
ing that word of the King's pleasure as to what should be 
done might be sent, for the custom of China is that not 
a single stranger can pass beyond that port nor go to the 
King without his permission. 

The messenger whom the Governor despatched reached 
the city of Pequim, 2 where the king was, and delayed on 
the journey two months, and then returned with the reply 
to the Governors, to the effect that they were to permit the 
ambassador, with the retinue in his company, to pass through 
the kingdom, and to give them everything that they 
required for their journey. When the ambassador received 
this reply, he lost no time in making his preparations, and 
set out with his wife on the road for the Eoyal Court, and 
kept continually traversing along the bank of a river 8 where 
there were very noble cities and very sumptuous edifices, 
of which I do not treat because it has nothing to do with 
this history. On the arrival of the ambassador at the Court, 
he was very well received by all the Lords and Governors 
of the land ,* and after some days had elapsed the King 
desired to receive him in person, although this was not his 
usual custom, for no one sees him, and business is trans- 
acted by the men who govern the land. And after the 
ambassador had performed his courtesy to the King after 

1 Canton, or Quangtung, 23 deg. 12 min. N., 113 deg. 17 min. £. 

2 Pekin, or Shun-tien, China, 39 deg. 53 min. N., 116 deg. 29 
min. £. 

3 This probably refers to the Yang-tsze-kiang, which is connected by 
the Yun-ho, Sha-ho, or Grand Canal, with the Yun-ho, or Eu-ho River, 
on a branch of which the city of Pekin is built. 

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the manner and custom of the Chinese, he threw himself at 
the King's feet, and with many tears begged him that he 
would be pleased to assist the King his lord in his present 
trouble, for in him he placed all his confidence. 

The King ordered him to rise, and told him to relate 
all the history of the affair in order. He related it to him, 
for he had been an eyewitness of it all, and told him that 
the King his lord, after he had been overcome, had retired 
to the kingdom of Pão, and there he remained waiting, in 
the hopes that he (the King of China) would turn a favour- 
able ear to him, and assist him, with men and a fleet, to 
recover possession of the kingdom, to be revenged for the 
affronts which the Captain of the King of Portugal had 
given him; and although the King of China had already 
been informed, by the Chinese who had come from Malaca, 
of all that had taken place, he was glad to hear the ambas- 
sador, and he enquired very particularly of him concerning 
the person and authority of £he great Afonso Dalboquerque 
and of the Portuguese, what sort of men they were, and 
what was their manner of fighting. 

The ambassador, as he was a discreet man, gave him a 
very good account of everything, whereat he was very well 
satisfied. And when these conversations were over, the 
King told him to go and enjoy himself, for he would dis- 
patch him and do everything that he wished, but really he 
was unwilling to give his word that he would help the King 
of Malaca, for his intentions and desires were to keep on 
friendly terms with the King of Portugal and with his 
Captain Afonso Dalboquerque, and to send some persons to 
visit him, as well because of the great news which he had of 
his person, as also because of the good treatment that he 
had shewn to the Chinese whom he had found in the port 
of Malaca, and his desire to open the commerce in his 
land. And one thing which greatly helped this policy of 
the King of China was the complaints which the Chinese 

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merchants made of the tyrannies that the King of Malaca 
had practised upon them in the matter of their merchandise, 
in the time when they were in his territory. 

The ambassador spent a long time at the Court with- 
out being able to get dispatch of his business, and 
during this time his wife died ; and after some days had 
elapsed the King replied to him, through the officials, 
excusing himself from granting the succour which was 
asked of him, and giving his reasons why he could not do 
it, and the chief reason was the war that was on hand 
against the Tartars. With this reply the ambassador set 
out without loss of time, and when he arrived at the city of 
Janquileu, and bethought himself of the unfortunate result 
of his mission and of his departed wife, he died of sheer 
grief, having given orders to build a chapel for his inter- 
ment in the outskirts of the city, and therein he lies buried 
in a sepulchre surrounded by steps of lateen, on which he 
ordered an inscription to be placed, which reads : t€ Here 
lies Tuâo Nacem, Ambassador and Uncle of the great King of 
Malaca, whom death carried off before he covld be avenged 
upon the Captain Afonso Dalboquerque, lion of the sea 
robbers/ 9 


How the King of Malaca, having arrived at the kingdom of Pão, died ; 
and how the great Afonso Dalboquerque began to build the fort- 
ress ; and the inscription which he placed over the gate after it was 
finished, and what passed hereupon. 

As disasters kept following this ill-fated King of Malaca, 
Fortune not being content with placing him in the position 
of losing his city, wife, children and people, disheartened 
and deeply chagrined at his losses, after he had arrived but 
a few days at the kingdom of Pfto, he died. When the 
King was dead, all the Moors of honourable estate, who had 

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followed his fortune, scattered themselves through the forests 
there, and after the lapse of some days came down, seek- 
ing to get to the sea coast, and sent to beg permission from 
Afonso Dalboquerque that they might return to their city ; 
and to some of them, who were men of principal power, he 
granted permission, for he considered it was more prudent 
to have such men as these within the city, than that they 
should be going about outside, stirring up assemblies and 
inciting the merchants not to come to the port ; he there- 
fore commanded the Javanese to band themselves together 
and scour the land, and bring back captive all the Malays 
found in the wpods there, to work at the building of the 
fortress which he was anxious to begin ; and if among these 
captives any one should chance to be found who could be 
recognised as having taken a guilty part in the massacre of 
the men forming the company of Diogo Lopez de Sequeira, 
Afonso Dalboquerque commanded that proper punishment 
be meted out to him, and that the others, with iron chains 
upon them, should serve at the work. 

And in company with them there were brought to him 
one thousand five hundred slaves who had belonged to the 
king, with their women and children, and he took them all 
as captives of the King D. Manuel, just as they had been 
of the King of Malaca, and ordered that they should be 
supplied with wages and provisions when they worked at 
the building, in accordance with the native custom; and 
when they were not thus required to serve they worked for 
their own advantage, for after this manner they had been 
compelled to serve the King of Malaca ; and when he had 
thus arranged these matters, he ordered them to take off 
from the fortress the timber 1 and woodwork which it carried 
for the protection of the men who were employed on the 
work, and to make ready lime, stone, and masonry for a 
beginning; and although Euy de Araújo never expected 
to be able to find sufficient stone to build the fortress, yet 

» See p. 129. 

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as it was the will of our Lord that the Portuguese should 
make good their settlement in that city, and that His name 
should there be worshipped, so great a quantity of stone 
and masonry was discovered in some ancient sepulchres 
of bygone kings, which were situated on the land beneath 
the surface of the ground, and in the mosques that were 
thrown down, that two fortresses might well have been con- 
structed ; and now, as there were plenty of helping hands 
to begin the work, and many labourers, Afonso Dalbo- 
querque gave orders to open out the foundations, and he 
founded a very strong fortress, the foundation filled in to 
the depth of a war lance, for the position of the ground 
required it to be so, with two wells of very good water 
within the precincts for drinking purposes, that were there 
already built with worked stone masonry. 

And in order that our men, who were within the fortress, 
might be able to rally together for defence, if it were 
necessary, whenever they so desired, without the enemy 
being able to cut them off, he laid the foundation of a keep 1 of 
four storey's height along the sea, so that also from its height 
they might with their artillery defend a hill which the 
fortress has over against it, which commands its position. 

Now because it may be that some who read this history 
may find fault with building a fortress in an enemy's 
country with such a weak point, the answer is that Afonso 
Dalboquerque put up with the commanding position of this 
hill because there was not in the whole of the city a more 
commodious place for the security of the captain and the 
forces that might be placed therein, for alongside of this 
tower one of our ships of two hundred tons burden could 
come whenever it was desired. And they called the fortress 
f ' A Famosa", i.e., " The Famous." And as I have been 
told by many persons who nave seen it, it seems to have 
been very appropriately so called ; but I do not give a 
1 Torre de Menagem; Bee vol. i, p. 45. 

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special account of its details of construction because it is 
very much frequented by our Portuguese. And because 
Afonso Dalboquerque was very much devoted to Our Lady 
he ordered the men to build a church, to which he gave the 
name of " Nossa Senhora da Annunciada", i.e., " Our Lady 
of the Annunciation." And in order that the memory of 
the persons who had taken part in the conquest of this 
kingdom and foundation of the fortress might remain for 
ever, he ordered them to make a very large stone slab, 
upon which were inscribed the names of all the principal 
men. But, the Portuguese are by nature envious of honour, 
they would not, therefore, suffer Afonso Dalboquerque to 
make more account of one than of another, seeing that all 
were equally meritorious in the work, and in the conquest 
of that city ; and he, in order not to give them cause for dis- 
pleasure, and yet not to abandon that which he had done, 
gave orders that the stone should be set up over the gate- 
way with the inscribed names turned to the wall, and on 
the back of the slab that verse of David, which says : " La- 

stone 1 which the builders refused." 


Eow the great Afonso Dalboquerque, at the request of the Governors 
and people of the city, ordered* money to be coined ; and of the 
value thereof, and of the rest that was done thereupon. 

While the affairs of Malaca were in this state, Ninachatu 
came to the great Afonso Dalboquerque with the Governors 
of the land, and declared to him that the people were suffer- 
ing great inconvenience from the want of a currency, and 
they begged he would of his graciousness give orders for 
some system of coinage ; and although he had already for 
1 Psalm cxviii, 22 (cxvii Vulg.). 

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many days desired this himself, yet, as the work of building 
the fortress occupied the whole of this time, he had put this 
matter off to a more fitting opportunity, when he should 
have less to occupy his attention ; yet because the necessity 
which they represented to him was very urgent, and the 
people could not improve their condition without a currency, 
he desired to set to work and arrange the matter without 
loss of any more time, as well because it was a royal privi- 
lege of the King, D. Manuel, and of his victory in a kingdom 
newly acquired, whereof he was by right the king 1 , so also 
in order to withdraw and suppress the coinage of the Moors, 
and cast their root and their name out of the land. 

Having made up his mind concerning this, Afonso Dalbo- 
querque ordered that all the merchants, governors, and 
principal men of the city should be called together, and 
held a conversation with them respecting their desires ex- 
pressed to him ; and after many different opinions had been 
given by them all, they agreed to the opinion of all the 
captains who were there present, that a coinage should be 
made, and that out of two caixes, 2 which was a pewter coin 
of the King of Malaca, should be struck a coin with the 
sphere? of the King D. Manuel, to which they gave the 
name of dinheiro (i.e., money), and another, of greater size, 
which was worth ten dinheiros, they termed soldo* and 
others, which weighed ten soldos, they entitled lastardos ; 
and all this money was of pewter, which is found native in 
the land of Malaca, and the 4 mines of this metal he made 
direct Crown property of the King of Portugal. 

And because there was not in Malaca any gold or silver 
coinage, but trade was carried on by barter of one kind of 
merchandise for another, they agreed that there should be 

1 Maimonides, Gezelah, 5. " Ubicunque numisma alicujus regis ob- 
tinet, illic incolse regem istum pro domino agnoscunt." Quoted by Farrar, 
Life of Christ, ii, 232, n. « See p. 77. 

3 Espera, see vol. ii, p. 129. * Cf. Lat. Solidus ; Fr. Sou. 

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such a coinage ; and after much disputation concerning the 
value that should be assigned to it, the opinion which found 
favour with everyone was that the gold coin should weigh 
a quarter of a tundiá, which is worth among us a thousand 
reis, and to this they gave the name of Catholico ; and the 
silver coin the merchants thought well to be that of Pegu, 
which is somewhat less than that of Castelete, but upon 
this point there were several opinions given on both sides ; 
but Afonso Dalboquerque appointed that this coin should 
be made of merchantable silver, so that if the Kings of 
Portugal should desire to send silver for sale to Malaca, on 
account of the high value it would fetch, they could do so. 

The merchants, although this high value of the silver was 
against them, assented to the opinion expressed by Afonso 
Dalboquerque, and agreed that the silver coin should be 
called Malaqueses, i.e., Malaca pieces, and should have the 
same value of a quarter of tundia; and in order that cur- 
rency of the coinage of the Moors might be immediately 
stopped everywhere, especially that of pewter, which was 
the most common in use in the land, Afonso Dalboquerque 
gave orders for the establishment of a house for the mint, 
and that all the Moors who held coin of the King of 
Malaca should convey it thither without delay under pain 
of death ; and so great a quantity of money was thus carried 
there out of fear of the penalty which had been appointed 
to them, that the officers could not dispatch their business 
fast enough, and in a short time a great quantity of silver, 
gold, and copper had been recoined. 1 

1 Correa's description of the coinage differs in some respects from this 
text. He says : — " Em Malaca nom corria nenhuma moeda d'ouro nem 
de prata, porque todo se compraua, e vendia, as mercadorias humas a 
troqo d'outras, e as miudezas do bazar de comer se comprauSo per huma 
moeda d'estanho, a que chamauão calayns. O Gouernador mandou 
laurar d 1 esta moeda assy miúda, e outra de dez soldos, a que pôs nome 
bastardos, e de hum lado a espera e de outro hum A grego. Fez moeda 
d'ouro de valia de mil e corenta reaes, e n'clla huma mea fegura de Key 

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When Afonso Dalboquerqne had been informed by the 
officials as to the quantity of coin which they had in hand, 
he ordered the Governors of the land to be summoned, and 
told him that he had given orders for minting a large sum 
of money, in accordance with the advice of every one, and 
that it was necessary to send forth a proclamation concern- 
ing it throughout the city with that solemnity which belonged 
to the estate of the King D. Manuel his lord. The Governors 
agreed that upon the morning of the following day the 
change in the currency should be proclaimed, and all the 
principal men of the people met together, and made their 
way to the fortress, where Afonso Dalboquerque was with 

com coroa, e huma espada na mão, e letras que dizião derrador, com esta 
conquistada e ganhada, e da outra parte o escudo das quinas, e 
letras derrador que dizião, Gloria pêra Sempre Memoria. A esta 
moeda pôs nome católica, e d'esta fez meos catalicos de preço de quin- 
hentos e vinte reaes, a que pôs de huma parte a espera com letras que 
dizião, Espera em Deos pêra mais, e da outra banda o A grego, e 
letras que dizião, O escravo ganha pêra o senhor. Estas moedas 
lauradas erâo muy f ermosas, de que mandou laurar huma soma. E fez 
moeda de prata de setecentos e vinte reaes, de huma banda as quinas 
sem coroa, e da outra banda espera com as mesmas letras, que chamou 
reaes brancos, e meos reaes." — Tom. ii, p. 256. From this extract we 
get the following values :— 

10 Soldos = 1 Bastardo (pewter). 
1,040 reaes = 1 Catholico (gold). 
520 reaes = 1 half Catholico (gold). 
720 reaes = 1 real branco, i.e., white real (silver). 

Scheme of the Portuguese Coinage of Malaca, 
deduced from the foregoing text. 


2 CaixeSy or Cash = 1 Espera = 1 Dinheiro. 
10 Dinheiros = I Soldo. 

10 Soldos = 1 Bastardo. 


1 Malaquese = J Tundia. 


1 Catholico = i Tundia = 1000 Rets (Portuguese). 

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all the Captains, Fidalgos, and Cavaliers of the Fleet, and 
from that place they began their procession in the following 

There went first, in front of all the people, one of the 
principal Governors of the City mounted upon an elephant 
with his castle caparisonéfl with silk, and carrying in his 
hands a flag of the arms of the King of Portugal upon a 
long spear, and behind him went all the people on foot on 
one side and the other, as it were in a procession ; and in 
the midst of these people there went a Moor mounted upon 
another elephant, likewise caparisoned with silk, making the 
proclamation; and behind this one came the trumpets; and 
after them the Governors of the City, and all the Merchants, 
and principal men thereof; and at the rear of this throng 
there went Antonio de Sousa the son of João de Sousa of 
Santarém, and the son of Ninachatu, both together upon a 
large elephant, which had been kept for the King's own use, 
with his castle caparisoned with brocaded cloths, and they 
carried with them a large quantity of gold, silver, and cop- 
per coin, which they kept on throwing out over the heads of 
all the people at each publication of the proclamation which 
the Moor made. The crowd was so great that the streets 
could scarcely contain it, and with many songs and blowing 
of horns, according to the native custom, the people gave 
great praise to Afonso Dalboquerque for giving orders for 
this distribution of money by the advice and in accordance 
with the opinions of their natives. 

When the publication of this money was finished the 
Pegus begged permission of Afonso Dalboquerque to depart 
to their own country, and he granted it to them, and shewed 
them great honour and kindness, whereat they were very 
pleased, and gave him great thanks for what he had done 
for them when the city was sacked, in not permitting that 
their houses and merchandise should be robbed, which 
indeed was of no small importance, for it amounted to a 

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thousand miticaes 1 of gold, apart from the sums of gold and 
silver which they had concealed. 

When Afonso Dalboquerque had taken his leave of them, 
they set forth promising him that they would very soon re- 
turn to that port with much merchandise, and would en- 
deavour to bring him a very large junk, which was being 
built in their country for the King of Malaca. And there 
remained behind in Malaca one of the sons of the Pilot, a 
youth of good breeding, with a hundred Pegus, and he 
learned our Portuguese language; and he was so curious to 
see everything that the principal reason why he stayed be- 
hind was to see our fortress completed, and he was always 
at work upon it with his men, whom Afonso Dalboquerque 
ordered to be liberally repaid for their labour. 

Of this gold which I have spoken of above as coming to 
Malaca, the larger part comes from a mine of Menamcabo, 
which is at the extremity of the island of Samatra, on the 
southern side, fronting opposite to Malaca, a sea voyage of 
six days 4 distance, and it also comes from the kingdom of 
Pão, and in all the islands round about Malaca there is gold, 
but only a little. The Gores and the Chinese also bring it. 
The silver comes from the kingdom of Sifto, and from the 

i Roquette, who gives the forms — Ma tical, metical, medegal, and 
metigal, — considers this to be an Asiatic weight of one drachm and a half 
for pearls, amber, etc. 

Bluteau describes the Matical or Metical, as a coin or weight of gold, 
current in Mozambique, and worth 480 reis, according to João dos 
Santos in the Ethiopia, f ol. 63, col. 3 ; and records that in the same place 
the above historian speakB of " quatorze maticaes que são seis mil e seis 
centos reis"; from this latter passage we may deduce nearly 472 reis to the 
metical. (Jndcr metical, Bluteau quotes two passages from Portuguese 
authors : (i) João de Barros, Década i, 68, 2, to the effect that 30 me- 
ticais are equal to about 14,000 reis. This would give only 466 J reis to 
the metical. (ii) Damião de Goes, foi. 23, c. 4, that each metical is 
worth 240 reaes da nossa moeda. If the real is equal to two reis, this 
value of the metical agrees with that assigned to it above by João dos 

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kingdom of Pegú, where there are many mines of it, and 
its quality is as good as that of Castelete. 


How the merchant» and all the noble Moors of the city complained to 
the great Afonso Dalboquerque of the tyrannies which Utemutaraja 
exercised in the land, and how he had in his power all the supplies, 
and of many other things which he did. 

When some days had elapsed, after the fortress was raised 
to such a height that it could defend itself against its ene- 
mies, they came from time to time to declare to the great 
Afonso Dalboquerque that Utemutaraja was planning some 
treachery in concert with the King Alaoadim, who had suc- 
ceeded to the kingdom after the death of his father King 
Mahamet, who had died in Pão, as I have already related, 
with the intention of rising up in conjunction against us, 
and for the better proof of this matter they gave him a 
letter which the Utemutaraja had written to the King, and 
the reply to it 

The substance of this letter was Utemutaraja' s excuses to 
the King for the friendship he had made with Afonso Dal- 
boquerque, and the obedience he had shown to the same, 
giving many reasons and excuses for the course he had pur- 
sued, and offering in it his own person and his men to help 
the King if he is determined to attack the city of Malaca, 
with all his household and possessions, relatives and friends, 
making very light of this business because of the smallness 
of our forces. Afonso Dalboquerque kept this within him- 
self without giving account of it to any one, and from that 
time forward showed to Utemutaraja much good-will ; and 
Utemutaraja, considering this favourable treatment which 
he experienced, and vainly imagining that Afonso Dalbo- 
querque was not cognisant of the treachery in which he was 

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engaged, began to act with some little effrontery in the 
government of the land, and gave opportunity to the Moors 
who lived in his district of Dupe to make use of their own 
coinage, and prevented ours from being current; and 
although Uterautaraja had been present, in his position as a 
principal personage, when it was agreed that this coinage' 
of money should be made, nevertheless neither he, nor 
his sons, grandsons, nor relatives, would be present at 
the formal proclamation of the change of currency ; where- 
fore it was that Afonso Dalboquerque did not place any 
very great reliance on his protestations of friendship, but 
began to act very cautiously in his dealings with him, and 
appeased the Moors, who complained every day of the rob- 
beries practised upon them by Utemutaraja, who was con- 
stantly leading his men in little bands about the country, 
robbing the people who had returned to settle in the city in 
consequence of the safeguard held out to them by Afonso 
Dalboquerque. And not content with this, Utemutaraja 
had even given orders for seizing all the slaves of the King 
and his Mandarins, and of the Merchants, and began to 
take possession for himself of certain estates in the interior 
country, which had been deserted by the Governors of 
Malaca when they had fled with the King, without anyone 
being able to compel him to relinquish any of the things 
which he had seized. 

And because the merchants and people of the city came 
again to pour out their complaints against Utemutaraja to 
Afonso Dalboquerque, and because also he had intercepted 
all the cargoes of rice that had arrived, and would not suffer 
a single merchant to purchase any of them, in order to 
have them all in his own hands, so that on this account 
there was a great scarcity of provisions, Afonso Dalbo- 
querque sent word to Utemutaraja, through Ruy de Araújo, 
temporising with him, that certain merchants were com- 
plaining of the bad government of the land; but it must 

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surely be without any reason, for they, were a difficult class 
to be made happy, yet he begged earnestly that he would 
give orders for an inquiry to be made into the matter. But 
Utemutaraja took so little heed of this hint to mend his 
ways, that Afonso Dalboquerque again sent word to say 
that on an occasion when a certain Naire, 1 who had turned 
Christian — a man in the employment of the Meirinho 2 — was 
walking in the district of Dupe, he had ordered his arrest ; 
and when the Meirinho with very gentle words desired 
him to look well to what he was doing, for that man was a 
Christian and not subject to his jurisdiction,— but if he had 
done anything wrong it ought to be reported to Afonso 
Dalboquerque, who would order him to be severely beaten,— 
he (Utemutaraja) had given no reply, neither had he 
given up the Naire, but from that time forward he began 
to construct in Dupe strong stockades surrounded with 

Ruy de Araújo, who observed these evident signs of 
effrontery on the part of Utemutaraja, made his way to 
Afonso Dalboquerque, and related to him all these things 
that had taken place, little thinking that he was well aware 
of them all, and told him that unless that Javanese (Ute- 
mutaraja) were once and for ever put to silence, he felt sure 
that as soon as the Portuguese sailed away for India he 
would be the cause of a great deal of trouble to the fortress, 
and to the men who were left behind in it ; and this very 
same opinion was given to Afonso Dalboquerque by the 
merchants, who begged him very earnestly not to depart 
from Malaca without first of all casting Utemutaraja out of 
the country, for he was a traitor, and an evil man, who had 
always been an opponent of the late king, and had even 
endeavoured several times to rise up in open rebellion 

1 See vol. i, p. 4. 

* Meirinho, an officer whose duty it is to apprehend criminals and 


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against him ; and they declared that they dared not stay in 
the land if Utemutaraja remained therein ; and they gave 
very good reasons for all this, alleging that Utemutaraja 
was not only an old man, and of very ancient family, and 
one to whom much faith was attached in that country, but 
also he had many sons and grandsons, and was very rich, 
and had many retainers. And beyond all these arguments 
which the merchants laid before Afonso Dalboquerque, he 
himself had certain information that the principal reason 
why this Javanese practised these doings was because he 
could not bear that the.Quilins and Chitims, who were 
Hindoos, should be out of his jurisdiction, or have a 
governor and a system of judicature set apart for them- 
selves, for it was Ninachatu who ruled them, and framed his 
government in accordance with their native Hindoo manners 
and customs. And another strong motive which influenced 
this matter was that Afonso Dalboquerque greatly favoured 
the Hindoo merchants, because they were men much em- 
ployed in trading, and richer, and possessed of greater 
estates than the Moors ; and in their hands lay all the com- 
merce and business of Malaca, and they, too, were under 
the obligation of causing six hundred families of the richest 
inhabitants of Choramandel to come and settle in Malaca ; 
and this favour which Afonso Dalboquerque showed to the 
Hindoos, and the great trouble he was at to root out the 
Moors from Malaca, was the cause of Utemutaraja's enter- 
ing into a confederation with King Alaoadim to rise up in 
revolt against our people. 

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How the great Afonso Dalboquerque, on account of the corroboration 
which he received concerning the treason which Utemutaraja was 
planning against him, determined to seize him, and his sod, and his 
son-in-law ; and the rest that took place, and what passed with the 
wife of Utemutaraja. 

The great Afonso Dalboqnerque, being thus aware of the 
conspiracy in which Utemutaraja was engaged together with 
the King Alaoadim, intending to rise up in revolt against 
him, and having information that he had bought up all the 
rice in the markets, which formed the staple article of food 
for the inhabitants of the city, and fearing that this business 
would entail great trouble upon him if he bore with Utemu- 
taraja any longer, determined to seize him and his son, son- 
in-law, and grandson, 1 and on several occasions caused 
them to be summoned, that he might take counsel with 
them concerning the government of the land, but they 
always made excuses for absenting themselves, and were 
unwilling to come at his summons, whereat Afonso Dalbo- 
querque began to be more displeased than ever with them ; 
nevertheless, he continued to dissemble his real feelings 
towards them. 

But when the time came for Afonso Dalboquerque to set 
sail for India, and he saw he could not bring this affair to 
a conclusion except by some open acts of force, veiling his 
real intentions he said to Cojeabrahem, 2 a Moor, by nation 
a Persian, who was a great friend of Utemutaraja, who was 
constantly requesting him to give him the official position 

1 u Tinha elle hum filho valente caualleiro, e tinha hum seu genro, 
casado com huma filha, de que tinha hum neto valente caualleiro, todos 
homens muy poderosos e riqos." — Corrêa, p. 258. 

* Coge Abraham, i.e., Master Abraham ; for the first part of the word, 
which is a titular designation, see vol. i, p. 227. 


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of Quitoal, 1 that he had determined not to confer the offices 
of the city upon any one without the counsel and advice of 
the principal inhabitants of it, and therefore they must all 
be convened, and if they were agreed then he would give 
him the office in their presence. 

Cojeabrahem, seeing by this a means for the accomplish- 
ment of his aspirations, so managed that he brought them 
together and conveyed them to the fortress where Afonso 
Dalboquerque was with all the captains ; and when they had 
gone in, without any further parley with them, Afonso Dal- 
boquerque ordered that their arms should be taken away 
from them, and then gave orders to Buy de Araújo to read 
to them before the whole assembly certain articles which 
he had against Utemutaraja and his son, son-in-law, and 
grandson, concerning many things which they had done 
against the service of the King D. Manuel, their lord, and 
among others the letter which Utemutaraja had written to 
King Alaoadim. 

Utemutaraja confessed to certain of the articles, but 
denied others, and as for the letter, he said it was true 
that he had written it, but it was not his intention to revolt 
against Afonso Dalboquerque, but rather to get the king 
into his own hands, so as to deliver him up to the Portu- 
guese ; and as for the rice which they alleged he had bought 
up and kept in hand, he had indeed bought it to make 
profit by the transaction, for this was the business by which 
he made his living, and he had not done this for any other 
or for any bad purpose ; but these were matters which the 
Hindoos had trumped up against him out of the ill will 
they bore him because he would not take part in their 

* Corrêa gives the signification of this native title by the paraphrase : 
— " Que andaua em requerimento com o Gouernador que o fizesse gozil 
t guarda do mar"; i.e., governor of the port, and warden of the sea, 
p. 259. 

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When this examination was over, Afonso Dalboquerque 
gave orders to put all four of the prisoners into a cellar of the 
keep, and to maintain good watch over them, and to throw 
down the stockades and fill in the ditches which Utemutaraja 
had constructed in his district ; and to Pero Dalpoem, who 
held the office of Ouvidor^ order was given forthwith to 
take judicial notice of their deeds, and to act in strict letter 
of law against them. As soon as the merchants and principal 
inhabitants received the news that Afonso Dalboquerque had 
captured Utemutaraja and his sons, they came and asked 
him to make just restitution of the great quantity of pro- 
perty of which that prince had robbed them. Therefore he 
gave instructions to the Ouvidor to cause restoration to be 
made to them of everything that should prove to have been 
obtained by robbery ; and beside many other things which 
were thus caused to be restored to these merchants and to 
the people of the city, there were five hundred slaves whom 
Utemutaraja had seized by force. And when all the forms 
of the judicial process had been executed, and when every- 
thing was at an end, waiting for the passing of the sentence, 
Afonso Dalboquerque gave orders for the summoning of all 
the captains, and in their presence told the Ouxndor to read 
the indictment of the crimes of the prisoners ; and having 
heard them, they adjudged the prisoners to suffer capital 
punishment 2 by decollation. 

As soon as the sentence had been pronounced, Afonso 
Dalboquerque gave orders that there should be set up a lofty 
scaffolding in the middle of the square, that the execution 
might be witnessed by all the populace. Now when the wife 
of Utemutaraja knew that her husband and children were con- 
demned to death, she sent to Afonso Dalboquerque a 
Javanese named Patequitir, to beg he would have pity on 

i Chief magistrate. 

1 Julgaram que morressem morte natural; a curious Portuguese phrase, 
probably to be accounted for on euphemistic principles. 

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Ler and pardon her husband and her children, and she 
would take them away with her and go and live in her own 
country (for Bhe was a native of Java), for she was never 
happy at their living in Malaca, and on this condition she 
would give, towards defraying the expenses of the works at the 
fortress, seven Baixares of gold, each one of which contains 
four quintals} Afonso Dalboquerque replied that the custom 
of the Portuguese was not to sell justice for gold, that for his 
part he was very sorry to find them guilty and to have 
to give orders for justice to be meted out to them, 
but that he would allow that their bodies after death 
should be delivered over to them that they might bury them 
according to their own rites. When the scaffold was ready 
he ordered the Ouvidor to go and execute justice upon the 
prisoners, taking with him in his train all the guards, and 
a large body of other men armed, because these criminals 
were men of considerable importance; and when they were on 
the scaffold and the executioner desired to execute the sons 
first, Utemutaraja said to him that he should begin upon 
him, for he was an old man, and could not bear to see them 
come to such a fearful end. The bodies remained where 
they were from the morning until the evening, in sight of 
all the people of the city, who could not bring themselves to 
believe that these men had been executed. 

This spectacle of the punishment of these Moors was a 
special permission of Divine Providence, for in this very 

1 Corrêa 1 » account of this proffered gift involves a curious typographi- 
cal error in his text. The passage is as follows : — " £ por ysso dariâo 
sete bares d'ouro e meo, que erão trinta quintaes, por cada hum dez, 11 
p. 260. " And they would give seven and a half bares of gold, which 
was thirty quintals, for each one ten"; a manifest error for /our. 

The Quintal is equivalent to four Arrobas, or 68.7428 kilo, French. 
Vieyra's description of the Bahar is somewhat confused. He gives three 
values, &86 lbs. avoird., 625 lbs. and 6250 lbs. for different Eastern 
localities. JBlutcau quotes a passage from Damião de Goes, foi. 60, col, 

3, " Que fuz cada Bahar tres quintaes, três arrobas, e desouto arrates 

do nosso peso 1 '. 

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same square, where Afonso Dalboquerque ordered these 
men to be decapitated by the sword of the justice of the 
King of Portugal, two years ago the King of Malaca had 
determined to kill his chief captain, Diogo Lopez de 
Sequeira, and all those who accompanied him to that country, 
in a banquet which was given to them, had it not been for a 
woman of Java, who by night swam off to the ships to warn 
one of the mariners who was her friend. 1 The wife of Ute- 
mutaraja, after having performed her rites of sepulture upon 
those devilish corpses, 2 conferred with Patequitir and gave 
him seven or eight miticaeeP of gold, and desired him to 
gather together all her slaves, who were very many, and to 
take vengeance for her upon the Quilhw* and Ohitinsf who 
had been the cause of the death of her husband and her 

When Afonso Dalboquerque knew of this, he came up 
with some soldiers and fell upon this band, and put them all 
to the sword in the very streets of the city, killing a great 
number of them. Patequitir, finding himself worsted, and 
seeing that he had no power to carry out what was desired 
of him, took the wife of Utemutaraja, and all the property 
he could carry off, and struck out into the interior of the 
country, and set fire to a large number of country houses of 
0hitin8 and Quilins, and carried on this rebellion for ten or 
twelve days ; but when he reflected that this enterprise of 
his could not possibly come to a good end, he sent to 
Afonso Dalboquerque to give him a safeguard, and this was 
granted according to his request, but he would not return to 
live in Malaca. 

This Utemutaraja was by birth a Javanese Hindoo, and 
it was many years since he had become a Moor. He was 
about eighty or ninety years of age, of the lower class ; he 
was poor when he came to Malaca, and he had lived about 

1 See vol. ii, pp. 78, 74. a Aquelles corpos de Satanás. 

8 See p. 142. * See p. 128. c See vol. ii, p. 130 w. 

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fifty years there: he prospered well with his merchant 
trade, and became exceedingly rich ; he was very proud, ex- 
cessively tyrannical, restless, rebellious, and so was he 
always in the time of King Mahamet ; and he had so much 
power and so much authority in Malaca, that had he not 
been got rid of he would certainly have caused very great 
trouble to us. Por Afonso Dalboquerque very often used 
to say (when he observed how quiet the country remained 
after the death of Utemutaraja), that if he had carried out a 
similar policy in Ormuz, in regard to Cogeatar, 1 that one 
also would never have raised up rebellion against him, nor 
practised so many impostures upon him. 

This son of his, who was put to death with him, was the 
one who stood ready with the dagger in his hand to murder 
Diogo Lopez de Sequeira ; and he it was, too, whom the 
King of Malaca had appointed Captain, after the fall of 
Diogo Lopez, to seize the ships of the Portuguese, with a 
large body of his own and his father's retainers ; but Our 
Lord would not that he should accomplish this crime, but, 
on the other hand, willed that he should pay the penalty 
which such an undertaking merited. 


How Duarte Fernandez, and the Chinese, whom he carried in his com. 
pany, reached the city of Udiá, where the King of Sifio lived, and 
gave him the message which he carried from the great Afonso Dal- 
boquerque ; and of the ambassador whom the King of Sião sent to 

When Duarte Fernandez had set sail from Malaca in 
company with the two Chinese captains, bearing the 
message of the great Afonso Dalboquerque to the King 
of Sião, as has already been mentioned, in a few days they 

1 See vol. i, p. 108, etc. 

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stood off on the other tack and reached the mouth of a 
large river which leads to the City of Udiá, 1 in which the 
King of Siam lived; and when the King heard of the 
arrival there of some foreign people he sent thither a 
Captain with two hundred launches, to learn what people 
they were and whence they came. 

As soon as the Captain reached the harbour where the 
Chinese had remained, he enquired of Duarte Fernandez 
the purpose of his journey, and by whom he had been sent. 
Duarte Fernandez replied that he was the messenger of a 
great Captain of the King of Portugal, who was established 
at Malaca with a large fleet, and that he had been sent 
thither by the orders of that Captain to visit the King of 
Sião and carry a letter to him. On receiving this intelli- 
gence the Siamese Captain sent to the King an account of 
the people, who they were, and with what object they had 
come, and asking that instructions should be sent how he 
desired him to proceed in this matter. 

The King, having already had some information of the 
arrival of Afonso Dalboquerque at Malaca, was very much 
gratified to know that this messenger came from him, and 
ordered the Captain to bring the messenger to him im- 
mediately. When the King's reply was received the Captain 
embarked in the launches with Duarte Fernandez and the 
Chinese Captains, and they all proceeded up the river 2 as far 
as the City, and when the party disembarked the Captain 
with all his men escorted Duarte Fernandez to the Palace, 
where the King was waiting for them in a large hall, all 
hung round with brocades and upholstered with very rich 

1 Udiá, called by Bruzen de la Martiniere Jutkia or Judia, the capital 
city of the kingdom of Siam, corrupted from the native name Si-yô-thi-yâ. 
Pedro Barretto de Resende, in MS., Sloan, 197, fol. 380, shows on Ber- 
thelot's map of 1635, the " Cidade de India, metropolli do Reino de 
Siam". Keith Johnston, in his Royal Atlas, places Yuthia or Ayuthia, 
a little to the north of Bangkok, 14 deg. 24 min. N., 100 deg. 27 min. £. 

2 The river Menam, see p. 71 w. 

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cushions, the King himself being seated on a lofty chair, 
habited in the Chinese fashion, and close to him, on the 
right and left, all his wives and daughters, seated, clad in 
brocades and silken clothes, with a great display of golden 
ornaments and jewellery, and lower down on each side 
many other women of noble birth, dressed after the same 
manner, so that it was a very grand spectacle. The women 
of this country are somewhat short of stature, but yet they 
are very handsome. And there were also present there all 
the principal lords of the country, very richly attired. 

After Duarte Fernandez had entered the hall he made his 
obeisance to the King after the Hindoo manner, and went 
up to him and gave him Afonso Dalboquerque's letter and 
the sword, which the King received with many words of 
acknowledgment, asking him about the doings at Malaca, 
and the King of Portugal, and the state and power which he 
possessed. Duarte Fernandez, being a man of considerable 
ability, gave a very good account of everything in his replies 
to the King's enquiries. And when this interview was over 
the Captain was commanded to take him to his own house 
and to entertain the Chinese Captains in a very good manner, 
and on the following day the King ordered that all the City 
should be shown to him in order to do him honour, and also 
that he should see a white Elephant which he had, at which 
the Chinese became very greatly struck with amazement ; 
and indeed had it been a thing which could be purchased, 
they would have given a large sum of money for it in order 
to carry it to the King of China. 

After some days had elapsed the King granted a farewell 
audience to Duarte Fernandez, sending in company with 
him an Ambassador to Afonso Dalboquerque, with a letter 
to the King D. Manuel, and a ring set with a ruby, and a 
crown and sword of gold, and they set out from the city of 
Udiá and in seven days got as far as the other side of the 
Coast of Samatra and reached Taranque, which is a city 

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belonging to the King of Sifto, and from that point they 
kept along by his towns as far as the shoals of Capacia, 
and on their arrival at Malaca they found the walls of the 
fortress already with a great part of the battlements and 
towers complete, and much artillery set up in them, and all 
the city in obedience to Afonso Dalboquerque. 

The Chinese Captains, who had all along fancied that he 
would be ruined in that enterprise of his against Malaca, 
when they beheld the fortress finished and the peaceable 
state of the city were very much astonished, and very much 
ashamed of the way in which they had behaved towards him 
before their voyage. When Afonso Dalboquerque learned 
that an Ambassador of the King of Sião had come in 
company with Duarte Fernandez, he gave orders that he 
should be received by all the Captains, and he treated him 
with great honour and entertained him. The Ambassador 
delivered to him a letter which he had brought, and another 
for the King D. Manuel, with the present. The letter for 
Afonso Dalboquerque was the reply to that which had been 
sent to the King by Duarte Fernandez, and in it the King 
said that he was much pleased with the messenger and with 
the declaration of friendship, and offered him his kingdom 
and person for the service of the King of Portugal, and 
supplies and men and merchandize for his country, as much 
as was required, and that for a long time he had desired to 
be on friendly terms with him on account of the great 
things which he had heard reported of the Portuguese done 
against the Moors, and that he hoped he would take 
vengeance for him upon that tyrant the King of Malaca, 
for as yet he did not know that the city was taken. 

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How the great Afonso Dalboquerque dispatched the ambassador of the 
King of Sião, and in company with him sent Antonio de Miranda 
de Azevedo with instructions how to act, and of the present which 
was sent through him. 

As soon as the great Afonso Dalboquerque had con- 
cluded his interviews with the Ambassador of the King of 
Sião, he determined — being just on the point of setting 
sail for India — to dispatch him back again, and to send in 
company with him Antonio de Miranda de Azevedo, as 
Ambassador to the King, and ordered him to make ready 
to sail in the junk of the Chinese who were waiting there 
for him ; and this was the instruction given to him as to 
what he was to say : — 

" You shall declare to the King of Sião how the King of 
Portugal, my lord, sent me to this port of Malaca to take 
notice of the treason which the king and his governors did 
to a certain one of his chief captains and to his men, who 
had been sent to treat as to terms of friendship, and that 
he had killed them in face of a safeguard which had been 
granted to them, and thrown into captivity in that country 
a great part of the men. 

" You shall declare to him that, after I had arrived at 
this port, I had sent many times to beg of the king to give 
an account of his proceedings, and order the release of the 
Portuguese whom he had thrown into captivity, and make 
good the property which he had taken ; but he, with his 
unmeasured pride, never gave answer to this proposal, nor 
desired to be on friendly terms, nor make a treaty of peace 
with me, but shewed favour to the Moors of India (who had 
their ships there) in opposition to the service of the King 
of Portugal. 

" You shall declare that when I beheld his determination 
to be false I attacked his city and entered into it by force 

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of arms, and overcame the king (who escaped with a wound 
only) and his people and his elephants ; but, in order that I 
should not destroy the city, I re-embarked, and so re- 
mained for the space of fifteen days in expectation of his 
repentance; and the king, having had experience of the 
dashing spirit of the Portuguese cavaliers, had nevertheless 
not abandoned the intention of risking all at any price upon 
the hazard of war, rather than wishing to have an agree- 
ment of peace and friendship arranged between myself and 

" Ton shall declare to him that in order to repress this 
contumacy which he shewed, I again attacked the city and 
overthrew it, killing many people and even some of his 
captains ; and I took his elephants and I burnt his palaces, 
but I forgave his people and his merchants, so that the city 
might not be destroyed nor the trade of the country ; and 
that I give the King of Sião hereby this notice of it, 
because I know for certain that he will be well pleased at 
hearing of the overthrow of this king, for he has always 
been at war with him. 

" You shall declare unto him that the King of Portugal, 
my lord, will be greatly pleased if the ships and people of 
Sião trade with Malaca, and that this was the principal 
reason why I was glad when it was taken ; and, if he 
should have any need of the fleets or armies of Sifto for the 
preservation of his estate, I, as his captain general, will 
make use of them in everything that he orders me to do." 

And with these instructions Afonso Dalboquerque gave 
him a present for the king, to be given to him in the name 
of the King of Portugal, consisting of some breast-pieces of 
crimson velvet; a long corselet with complete suit of arms ; 
a helmet with the chin-piece very richly garnished; a 
buckler of buff, 1 with its cordings very richly made and set 

1 Adarga danta. The Anta, according to Vieyra, is an animal found 
in the East Indies, like a little cow, without horns. The hide is much 
valued to make buff small- clothes. 

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in a brocaded guige j 1 three cloths of arms made of velvet 
and satins of various colours, stamped in patterns and 
trimmed with gold tassels. These had belonged to the 
King of Malaca, and had adorned the wooden house wherein 
the King of Pão, his son-in-law, was to go in procession 
through the streets of the city (as I have related already 2 ) ; 
and a basin for washing the hands, with bastions ; 3 and two 
double-handed vases 4 of the same pattern ; and a small 
kettle of fine workmanship ; and two cups with bastions, 
all of silver; and a cross-bow, with its furniture; 6 and 
four branches of coral, very thick and of fine quality, 
because of its great value in that country ; and a piece of 
scarlet; and he made a present of some articles to the 
King of Si&o's ambassador, whereat he was much pleased. 

Antonio de Miranda, as soon as he received his letters of 
credence for the King, embarked on board the Chinese junk, 
and proceeding on the voyage in a few days reached the city 
of Taranque, which belongs to the King of Sião, and there 
he parted from the Chinese and made his way through the 
country with horses and draught oxen, straight to the city 
of Sifto, where he was very graciously received by the King 
who was reigning there. 

This kingdom of Sifto is very narrow on that side where 
the Chinese make their navigation. It possesses some har- 
bours and villages, and from thence it is a ten days' journey 
to the coast of Tanaçarij, 6 and Taranque, and Savião, and 
on the other side of the sea of Samatra he has also many 
harbours and villages, and he is lord of a large population. 
These are Hindoos, and in the country are many Moorish 
merchants from numerous parts of the world. The Chinese 
keep up in this country their establishments, for they repose 

1 Funda, a sling, strap, or guige, by which the shield is slung over the 
shoulder. « See p. 107. » See vol. ii, p. 205. 

« Albarradas. 6 Almazem. 

• Tenasserim, 12 dcg. 2 min. N., 98 deg. 55 min. £. 

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great confidence in the people. The King of this land was 
always at war with the King of Malaca, and therefore he 
was not sorry to see him overcome. 

There are many things which I could have written about 
this kingdom of Sião, but my purpose is not to write any 
more about the countries than that which is necessary for 
the understanding of this history. 


How the great Afonso Dalboquerque dispatched the ambassadors of the 
Kings of Campar and Java, and ordered the exploration of the 
Island of Maluco. 

The King of Campar having received intelligence of the 
discomfiture of Malaca, and of the state in which the affairs 
of that kingdom were, and fearing that because he was his 
son-in-law the fury of the Portuguese would be brought 
to bear also against his own country, embarked in ten 
launches, and came down to the river Muar, which is in the 
kingdom of Malaca, a distance of eight leagues from the 
city, opposite to the kingdom of Pão, and when he had 
arrived at this river he sent a messenger to Afonso Dal- 
boquerque with a present of eight packages 1 of lenhonoe* of 
very fine quality, and two of a mass which is made of the 
blood of the dragon, 8 which serves as a varnish for painted 

1 Fardos, bundles or bales. The fardo in India is a definite amount 
of forty-two pounds weight Portuguese. 

2 Lenhonoe ; perhaps the len-hae, considered by the Rev. Dr. Mason of 
Barman to be the Açoras Calamus, the root of which is very fragrant. 
See J. F. Watson's Index to the Native and Scientific Names of Indian and 
other Eastern Economic Plants, p. 342, fol. London, 1868, Indian 
Museum. Cf. lenholoes, chapter xliii. 

* Dragrão, a typographical error for dragão. The sangue do dragão is 
the resin of a tree known to botanists as Calamus Draco. Bluteau writes 
of the Sangue de Drago : — " He huma espécie de goma, que por incisão 
dcstilla em licor, e logo em se levantando o sol, se endurece, e se congela 

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articles, and sent word to say to Afonso Dalboquerque that 
this was a specimen of the fruit that was gathered in his 
country, and that he very greatly desired his friendship, and 
to become a vassal and a servant of the King of Portugal, 
and that he was not culpable in any way for the doings of 
his father-in-law. 

Afonso Dalboquerque sent to thank him sincerely for the 
present, and for the desire to serve the King of Portugal, his 
Lord, which he had shown, and he sent him also certain 
things in return for his present, and offered him men and a 
fleet whenever he might need them; and when this mes- 
senger from the King of Campar had set forth on his return 
journey, Afonso Dalboquerque dispatched another, who many 
days ago had arrived there from the King of Java, bringing 
with him for a present a dozen lances of very great length 
with their slings of wood fastened into the iron, and a very 
long piece of cloth, whereon was painted a representation of 
the manner in which the King goes to battle, with his car- 
em humas pequenas lagrimas friáveis, e vermelhas como sangue. O 
sangue de Drago com estas qualidades he o melhor dos três, que se ven- 
dem nas boticas. Mana de huma arvore do tamanho de pinheyro, que 
dà muyto ramo, e lança humas folhas da f eyção de espadas ; os frutos 
se parecem com ginjas, e formando huns como cachos, de amarellos se 
fazem vermelhos, e de vermelhos azues, e azedinhos ao gosto. Disserão 
alguns, que, tirada deste fruto a pelle, apparece a figura de hum drago, 
donde lhe veyo o nome ; porém a mais commua opinião tem esta circun- 
stancia por fabulosa. 

11 A outras duos gomas, que tem alguma semelhança com esta, se dà o 
nome de sangue de Drago; huma se tira de humas plantas das Ilhas 
Canárias, a qual dà folhas como de pereyra, a outra tem folhas como de 

ginjeyra, e dizem que huma e outra se cria na Ilha de S. Lourenço 

Disserão outros que o sangue de Drag&o era huma certa espécie de ver- 
melhão, muyto fino, e apurado. O que tamhem he falso, porque o verda- 
deyro vermelhão he mineral, on artificial, e o sangue de Dragão, que se 
usa nos boticas, he licor congelado a modo de resina, que se destilla das 
arvores, as quaes... se chamão Dragoens. San grão os moradores da terra 
estas arvores, dandolhes golpes na casca, onde acode a humidade que tem, 
e alli se coalha, e faz em resina, vermelha, dura, e transparente." 

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riages, horses, and elephants armed with their wooden 
castles, and a figure of the King therein painted, riding in 
certain wooden erections placed above the carriages, and 
all this very beautifully depicted; and he sent him also 
twenty little bells, of which their music consists, and players 
who could play upon them with carved sticks, and they har- 
monised very well and gave a very pleasant sound ; and he 
sent him two very large bells, which they strike in battle, 
for they can be heard a long way off; and the King desired 
to offer him men and supplies, and all other things that 
might be necessary for the war in Malaca. The reason of 
this was that the King of Java was "very much opposed to 
the King of Malaca, on account of the frequent tyrannies 
which were continually practised upon his native subjects 
whenever they went thither. 

Afonso Dalboquerque dispatched the ambassador, and 
with him he sent to the King of Java one of the elephants 
which had been captured in Malaca, for in that country 
they are held in very great esteem, and a piece of scarlet, 
and another of velvet crimson, and granted him free 
passage for himself and for the transport of the elephant. 
And just at this very juncture there arrived at Malaca 
three pangajaoas 1 from the kingdom of Menamcabo, which 
is at the point of the island of Çamatra on the other side of 
the south, and brought with them a sum of gold, and they 
came to seek for cloths of India, for which there is a great 
demand in their country. The men of this kingdom are 
very well made, and of fair complexion ; they walk about 
always well dressed, clad in their silken bajus* and wearing 
their crisis with sheaths adorned with gold and precious 
stones in their girdles. These are a people of good 
manners and truthful character ; they are Hindoos ; they 

1 See p. 60 n. 

* Baju, a kind of garment worn by the Indian ladies. — Vieyra. 
41 Camisa de meyo corpo." — Bluteau. 


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have a great veneration for a certain golden head-dress 1 
which, as they relate, Alexander [the Great] left there with 
them when he conquered that country. 

Now that Afonso Dalboquerque had dispatched all these 
messengers, he determined to send a party to explore the 
islands of Maluco, and all the others of that archipelago, 1 
for he had been informed that there were many of them ; 
and he made ready three ships, of which he conferred the 
chief captaincy upon Antonio Dabreu, of whom I have 
already written how he was wounded in the junk with 
which he attacked the bridge"" at Mnlaory* tmd he indeed 
quite deserved this honour, on account of his dashing spirit 
and chivalrous character. And of the other two ships he 
gave the captaincy to Francisco Serrão and Sim&o Afonso ; 
and for pilots he appointed Luis Botim, and Gonçalo de 
Oliveira, and Francisco Rodriguez, a man of youthful age, 
who had always had employment in India as a pilot, and 
knew very well how to set up a memorial monument 4 if 
it were required, and this indeed was the object of Afonso 
Dalboquerque in sending him there. And with them he 
sent two native pilots ; and as factor João Freire, servant 
of the Queen D. Leonor ; and Diogo Borges, servant of the 
King D. Manuel, to be the scrivener. And he prepared a 
junk laden with various kinds of merchandise, whereof he 
gave part to Ninachatu, and to a Hindoo whose name was 
Cogequirmani, 6 whose wife and children were settled with 

1 Carapuça de ouro. 11 

* It is doubtful whether this refers to the group of Moluccas or Spice 
Islands, deg. min., 127 deg. 30 min. £., as Borneo lays between 
them and the Malay peninsula. Probably the term was employed gene- 
rally for the multitudinous groups of small islands lying on the equator 
between Asia and Australia in the Pacific. 9 See p. 121. 

4 Padrdo, a post or pillar on which was engraved an inscription, set 
up in accordance with the custom usually adopted by the discoverers of 
new countries. 

i.e , Khoja Eirmânl, the " Merchant of Kirman", or Kerman, one of 
the provinces of the Persian Empire. Here, as frequently is the case 

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him in Malaca, and this one went as captain of the junk. 
And because there was very little to do in getting the junk 
ready he set ont two or three days before our fleet. 

And the instructions which Afonso Dalboquerque gave to 
Antonio Dabreu were, on no account whatever on that 
voyage to take any prizes, and to go on board of no vessel 
whatever, nor to consent to any of his men going on shore, 
but in all the harbours and at all the islands at which he 
might touch to give presents and gifts to the kings and 
lords of the country, and for this purpose he ordered that 
there should be given out many pieces of scarlet and velvets 
of Meca, and many other kinds of merchandise; and, 
further, he gave orders that the captain should not inter- 
fere with a single ship of Malaca or of the other parts 
(whether they belonged to the Moors or to the Hindoos) 
which he might meet with in these Clove islands 1 or Apple 
islands 8 taking in cargo, but rather shew them favour and 
give them as much assistance as he possibly could ; and, in 
the same way that such ships as these negotiated for their 
cargo, so also in like manner was he to act for his cargo, 
observing all the customs of the respective countries. But 
whatever might happen not one of the captains was to go 
on land, except only the factor and scrivener with two or 
three to accompany them. 

These ships carried a hundred and twenty Portuguese 
and twenty captive slaves to work at the pumps ; and they 
went very well supplied with provisions and artillery, and 
had on board plenty of tow and pitch, and caulkers, in order 
that if necessity should arise they might go and overhaul 
their ships at the cape of a large island (which lies at a 
distance of four days' sail from the clove islands), which is 

throughout the Commentaries, the Portuguese interpreter appears to mis- 
take the title or designation of the individual for his proper name. 

1 Em essas Ilhas do Cravo. The Molucca Islands are known even 
now under the name of the Spice Islands. * Oudas Maçons. 


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called Amboino, 1 for we have already a knowledge of the 
rise and fall of the tide there. And when they were all 
quite prepared they set out in the month of November. 

And as soon as Antonio de Abreu had set sail, Afonso Dal- 
boquerque gave orders to make ready a very large new junk, 
of which he gave part to Ninachatu and the other merchants 
of Malaca, and he ordered that it should be laden with much 
merchandise of Cambaya, which had been captured on the 
voyage from India to Malaca, and that the vessels should go 
to Pace 8 to take in a cargo of pepper to be stored up in the 
fortress, in case of the Chinese, or Gores (whose arrival 
he was expecting) coming in search for a cargo. And all the 
other merchants and chitins of Malaca began to prosecute 
their trading voyages, and to arrange their commercial 
undertakings in such a manner that in a very short space of 
time the brisk trade which was carried on in Malaca began 
to be very celebrated. And at the report of the good treat- 
ment which the great Afonso Dalboquerque had ordered to 
be shown to all the shipping which touched Malaca with 
merchandise, they began to make their voyages thither from 
all parts, and every one of them found something in the way 
of a cargo to carry back to their own country. 

1 Amboino; Amboina Island, 3 deg. 45 min. 8., 128 deg. 15 min. E.; 
a little to the south of the island of Ceram. Amboina is a high island, 
eleven leagues in extent N.E. and S.W., the largest of those called the 
Glove Islands. The great bay extends about seven leagues into the island, 
separating it nearly into two parts. Amboina Bay is formed at the 
entrance by two high points, that of Allang on the west side, and 
Noessauiva Point to the eastward ; they are steep-to ; situated in lat. 
8 deg. 47 min. S., long. 128 deg. 6 min. E., and bear nearly E. and W. 
of each other, distant six miles. About three cables' lengths from 
Noessaniva Point, in a S.S.E. direction, there is a narrow bank of sand, 
stretching E. and W., having soundings of fifteen to twenty fathoms on 
it, upon which a ship might anchor when calm. The tides in the bay 
are very irregular, being governed chiefly by the winds, and rise about 
six or seven feet — Horsburgh, India Directory, vol. ii, p. 714. Eighth 
Edition. London, 1864. * Pace; see p. 59 n. 

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Of the Council which the great Alfonso Dalboquerque held with the 
Captains respecting the order in which he should leave the manage- 
ment of affairs at Malaca, and some ordinances which he made for 
the government of the country before his departure for India. 

When the great Afonso Dalboquerque had concluded his 
dispatch of all the matters which I have related, he ordered 
that a meeting of all the captains, Fidalgoes, and servants 
of the King throughout the fleet should be convened, and 
then he told them that the fortress of Malaca was now com- 
pleted in the way in which they beheld it, with plenty of artil- 
lery within it, capable of defending itself successfully against 
all the powers of the Kings of these parts who could come 
against it : that the monsoon favourable for a voyage to India 
was now blowing, and that it was very necessary for them to 
set sail, for the condition of affairs at Goa was so unsettled, that 
he could not tell in what state they were ; therefore he de- 
sired them earnestly to declare to him the policy which he 
ought to carry out concerning the government of Malaca, 
and what number of men, and how much artillery he ought 
to leave in the fortress, and how many vessels, and whether 
he should appoint a captain of the sea or not, or whether one 
alone would be sufficient on sea and on land, and whether or 
not he should remove certain principal Moors of the city of 
whom there was some suspicion. 

In the Council there arose different opinions, and at the 
end of all it was arranged that there should be a Captain 
in the Fortress and a Captain of the Fleet in the Sea, and 
• that the Captain of the Sea should be under the orders of 
the Captain of the Fortress (this was so arranged to avoid the 
shameful deeds done in India, which had then already taken 
place, but Afonso Dalboquerque always punished them with 
great rigour as long as he was Governor of that country), 

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and that he should take an oath of homage to the Captain 
of the Fortress to obey him in all things, and all the 
Captains do so, as it were to the proper person of his Lord- 
ship; and if it should happen that God should dispose 
of the Captain of the Fortress, then the Captain of the Sea 
should succeed to be the Captain of it, until provision could 
be made. 

As soon as this had been agreed to by all, Afonso Dalbo- 
querque appointed Buy «fie Brito Patalim, Captain of the 
Fortress, and Fernão Perez Dandrade, Chief Captain of the 
Sea, and as Captains of the vessels which were to remain 
under his orders, Lopo de Azevedo, who was t<T be Vice- 
Captain, Christov&o Graces, Aires Pereira, Antonio de 
Azevedo, Pêro de Faria, Christovâo Mascarenhas, Vasco 
Fernandez Coutinho, and João Lopez Dal vim. And 
Antonio de Abreu also had orders to remain there with his 
Captains, whenever he returned from Maluco. And he 
appointed Buy de Araújo — owing to the great obligation 
which he was under to him — Factor and Chief Alcaide and 
Overseer of the Fortress ; and Francisco de Azevedo and 
Pêro Salgado, Scriveners of the Fortress ; and João Jorge, 
Beceiver (.4 Zmoa?ari/fe). of the Supplies, and Jacome Fernandez 
his Scrivener; and Francisco Cardoso, Almoxarife of the 
Armoury, and Bras Afonso his Scrivener ; and as Manager 
for the Defunct and of the Hospital, Christov&o Dalmeida, 
and Diogo Camacho for his Scrivener, and Bastião Gajlego, 
Meirinho of the Fortress. And he also appointed Governors 
of the land (not, however, beyond the superior jurisdiction 
of the Captain of the Fortress), of the Hindoos, Ninachatu; 
and of the Moors a Caciz 1 of his ; and of the Javanese of 
the district of Dupe, Eegunecerage, a Moor; and of the 
other part of the city, Tufto Calascar, a Javanese by birth 5 
and he appointed Buy de Araújo to be decider of their 
disputes and differences, and whenever the course of justice 
1 Caciz, see p. 69. 

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required the action of a higher court, the Captain of the 
Fortress was paramount over all. 

This having been thus arranged, when the merchants of 
the country received information that Afonso Dalboquerque 
was firmly resolved to set sail for India, they made their 
way to him, and one among them, in the name of them all, 
declared to him that they had learned how his Lordship 
desired to set sail and leave them, for they were astonished 
beyond measure that he should leave an undertaking so 
important and so rich as was the City of Malaca and go 
away, for the well-being of the city without him at its head 
could not be maintained. And since he had in his hands' 
the government of the largest city there was in the world, 
he ought not to leave it to destruction in favour of any 
other undertaking, but if he was going to do so from want 
of money, they, for their part, would give him as much 
gold, silver, and merchandize as he had need of, yea, and 
they would spend all the rest of their property in the service 
of the King of Portugal, and in his service, and therefore 
they begged him earnestly that he would not quit the city 
until its affairs had become more settled. 

Afonso Dalboquerque thanked them very much for their 
offers, giving them certain reasons why it was necessary 
that he should return to India, but he would promise that 
he would quickly return to visit them, and for the security 
and defence of the city he would leave the fortress provided 
with plenty of artillery, and many Portuguese Cavaliers to 
defend it against any power in the world; and for the 
security of the sea and for protection of their merchant 
trade, a Fleet with many Fidalgoes and Cavaliers. The 
merchants replied that when he was in Malaca his name 
alone was sufficient for its defence and maintenance for a 
hundred years, and therefore they begged he would not 
leave them, and so they went on enlarging on their subject 
with good words and praises of his character. 

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Again, Afonso Dalboquerque thanked them for the con- 
fidence which they reposed in him, and told them that for 
his own part he would be very glad to remain there to 
perform what they desired of him, but that he was com- 
pelled to go to India, because the fortress of Goa had yet to 
be completed, and he did not know how affairs had gone 
since his departure. 

As soon as this audience which he held with the mer- 
chants was over, being now quite ready for his departure, 
he was detained yet another day; for the King of Pace, 
whom he had captured on the voyage from India (as I have 
already related 1 ), and kept in his own house, treating him 
with all the courtesy and ceremony which was due to his 
rank, had secretly disappeared for two days, and no one 
knew whither he had gone. 

Afonso Dalboquerque, after using all diligence to get him 
into his hands again, and perceiving that it was an useless 
search, took leave of the captains and all those who were to 
remain behind, and proceeded to embark in the ship Flor 
de la Mar, 3 and Pero Dalpoem, auditor of India, in the ship 
Trindade; and Jorge Nunez de Lião in the ship Enzo- 
bregas; and Simão Martinz in a large junk which was 
going to sail laden with many kinds of merchandise which 
had been taken at the sacking of the city. And Simão 
Martinz took with him in the junk thirteen Portuguese 
and fifty men of Malabar from Cochim to form the guard ; 
and sixty Javanese carpenters of the dockyard, very handy 
workmen, whom Afonso Dalboquerque carried with their 
wives and children to serve the King of Portugal at Cochim 
in repairing the ships, because they were very much needed 
in India. 

The Governor of Pace, who had risen up in rebellion 

» See p. 64. 

» " Partio o Governador de Malaca em primeyro de Dezembro d'este 
anno [1511]. — Corrêa, he, p. 258. 

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against the king (as has been already related), hearing that 
Malaca had been taken by the Portuguese, full of fear of 
Afonso Dalboquerque, submitted himself to be a vassal of 
the King of Portugal ; and Afonso Dalboquerque received 
him, because the rightful king would not accept his offers, 
and from that time forward the governor was always at the 
service and under the orders of Afonso Dalboquerque. 


Oration which Camillo Portio made to the Pope Leo the Tenth in praise 
of the capture of Malaca ; and of the victories gained by the Portu- 
guese in their conquest of India. 

This kingdom having now been taken, and a fortress 
built in the city of Malaca, the great Afonso Dalboquerque 
immediately apprised the King D. Manuel of the state in 
which its affairs were placed ; and the king, in order to 
render them of greater importance (because this Golden 
Chersonese 1 is greatly celebrated by all authors both ancient 
and modern), wrote letters 2 to inform the Pope Leo the 

■ See p. 71. 

* u In hujus anni [1513] exitu Rex Emmanuel tres legatos ad Leonem 
decimum Pontificem Maximum, cum muneribus regia magnificentia 
dignis, instituit. Princeps legationis Tristanus Cugna fuit. Collegse duo 
jurisconsulti magute apud Lusitanos auctoritatis extitere. Unus Jacobus 
Paciecus, alter Joannes Faria nominabatur. Per illos Pontifici sacras 
vestes ex auro, cum multis gemmis opere excellenti perfectis dono misit. 
Vasa preterea ex auro, atque monilia maximi ponderis et pretii vestibus 
adjecit. Opus erat ejusmodi, ut cum materia nihil pretiosius excogitari 
posset, artificium tamen ipsam materiam multis partibus superaret. 
. " Misit praterea elephantum Indicum mira magnitudinis, quern non 
solum Roma, ubi homines, post inclinatum Roman» majestatis ampli- 
tudinem, illnd animal nuuquam oculis aspexerant, sed quacumque 
gradum inferebat, nemo circumfluentem undique turbam, admiratione 
obstupefactam, submovere poterat. Panthera etiam venatica missa fuit, 
quod munus hand scio, an olim Rom» JEdiles, cúm ludos magnificentis- 
simos apparabant, et prater alias immanes beluas, pantheras etiam in 

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Tenth. And when he had been notified by Jo&o de Faria, 
the Portuguese Ambassador who was then at Rome, of the 
great victories of the Portuguese which they had gained in 
those parts of the world by the assiduity, valour, and spirit 
of this great Afonso Dalboquerque, he ordered that a solemn 
Procession 1 should be made in which he himself took part ; 

publicis spectaculis exhibebant, prastare potuerint. Ea namque raansue- 
facta, non in circo cum bestiariis, sed in sylyis cum apris atque cervis 
prolium committebat, et principibus qui venationibus oblectantur, pluri- 
mum yoluptatis afferebat. Ea insidebat equi Persici tergo, integumentia 
auratis eleganter instrati. Equum regebat Persa venator eximius, qui 
ad id munus obeundum ab Armuzii rege cum equo et Panthera missus 

44 Tristanus Cugna cum esset vir et nobilitate, et auctoritate, et existi- 
matione non vulgari proditus, turn propriis sumptibus earn legationem 
exornandam susceperat. Ducebat autem secum tree filios et cognatorum 
copiam, amplamque familiam quibus stipatus non abjecti Principia spe- 
ciem prse se f erebat. Legationis scriba, Nicolaus Faria, qui equis Regiis 
curandis proerat, agebat equum pulcherrimum, ephippiis aureis, et pha- 
lerifl aureis, emblematis et gemmis maximi pretii distinctis instratum et 
ornatum, qui etiam Pontifici donandus erat." — Hieron. Osorii de Rebus 
Emmanuelis Regis. Col Agr., 1574, fol. 2976. Ciaconius, in his Vitse 
Pontificum (torn iii, a.d. 1513, cols. 328-9), repeats this with an interest- 
ing anecdote of the sagacity of the elephant mentioned in the foregoing 

1 "Such a concurrence of great and prosperous events induced the 
Pope to direct the celebration of a public thanksgiving in Rome, which 
was accordingly observed with extraordinary pomp and splendid proces- 
sions to the churches of S. Maria del Popolo and S. Agostino ; in which 
the pontiff appeared in person, and by the propriety and decorum which 
always distinguished him on public occasions, gave additional dignity to 
the ceremony. At the same time he ordered Camillo Portio to pronounce, 
in the pontifical chapel, a Latin oration in praise of the character and 
actions of the King of Portugal, who had communicated to him his 
success, and testified his dutiful obedience to the Roman Court, and bis 
personal attachment to the supreme pontiff. 

41 This mutual interchange of civility and respect between the King of 
Portugal and the pontiff was, however, rendered much more conspicuous 
by a splendid embassy from the Portuguese monarch, which soon after- 
wards arrived at Rome, to the great delight and astonishment of the in- 
habitants. The chief ambassador on this occasion was the celebrated 
Tristano Cugna, who had himself held a principal command in the ex- 

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and, on returning to the Sacred Palace, Camillo Portio, 1 
in the presence of every one, made him the following 

pedition to the East, and had acquired great honour by his conduct and 
courage in its prosecution. He was accompanied by Jacopo Pacheco and 
Giovanni Faria, professors of the law, of great eminence and authority. 
Three sons of Cugna, with many others of his relatives and friends, 
accompanied the procession, which was met at the gates of the city by a 
select body of cardinals and prelates, who conducted the strangers to the 
palaces appointed for their residence. But the respectability of the 
envoys was of less importance in the eyes of the populace than the sin- 
gular and magnificent presents for the Pope by which they were accom- 
panied. Among these were an elephant of extraordinary size, two 
leopards, a panther, and other uncommon animals. Several Persian 
horses, richly caparisoned, appeared also in the train, mounted by 
natives of the same country dressed in their proper habits. To these 
was added a profusion of articles of inestimable value ; pontifical vest- 

1 Camillo Portio, Porcio, Portius, or Porcarius, must not be con- 
founded with another personage of the same name, who flourished later 
in the sixteenth century. He was a Roman of noble birth, a canon of 
St. Peter's, Rome, and appointed by Pope Leo X, on the 4th March 
1517, Bishop of Teramo (Theramum or Aprutium), the episcopal city of 
the Abruzzi. He is celebrated as a poet and orator. (See Tiraboschi, 
Storia delia Letteratura Italiana. Modena, 1792, 4to, torn, vii, pt. S, 
p. 1016. — Nuova Biblioteca Populate ; Opere di C. Porzio, P. Giordani 
Torino, 1862, 8vo, p. 13.— Ughelli, Italia Sacra, vol. i, p. 871, " Vir 
varia literatura clarus". — Richard et Giraud, Bibliothèque Sacrêe, vol. 
xxiv, p. 427.) According to Giordani, Camillo Porcio died in 1521. 
Ughelli and Richard place his death in 1522. The following note is of 
interest : — 

" Camillus Portius, ut meos quoque cives, in scenam hanc inducam, 
quant» fuerit celebritatis, ignorat nemo, sive ille Romanatn cathedram 
magno omnium stupore, et admirations decoraret, sive pro rostris decla- 
marei, ut nihil ejus dictione suavius, nihil jucundius, nihil expolitius, 
haberetur. Is tamen simulac ab Leone Decimo Pontífice Maximo 
Aprutin» est Ecclesi» profectus, acerbissma diuturni cujusdam morbi, 
nulli medicorum cogniti, correptus inclementift, postquam miserabili 
cruciatu menses plurimos decubuit afflictatus, morbi demum ejus trucu- 
lentiâ, et totius corporis doloribus oppressus, virente adhuc setate ani- 
mam egit, incredibili apud omnes sui relicto desiderio." — Joannis Pierii 
Valeriani BeUunensis de Literatorum Infelicitate Libri Duo. Amstel., 
1647, p. 15. 

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Oration in October of the year one thousand five hundred 
and thirteen : — 

" If ever at any time, Most Blessed Father, the Christian 
people had reason to give thanks to the Lord, and magnify 
his strength and power for an undertaking begun with 
bravery and daring, and brought to a fortunate end, this 
year stands forth on this account as the most brilliant 

mente, adorned with gold and jewels, vases, and other implements for 
the celebration of sacred rites, and a covering for the altar, of the most 
exquisite workmanship. A herald, bearing the arms of the Portuguese 
sovereign, led the procession. On their arrival at the pontifical palace, 
where the Pope stood at the windows to see them pass, the elephant 
stopped, and, kneeling before his Holiness, bowed himself thrice to the 
ground. A large vessel was here provided and filled with water, which 
the elephant drew up into his trunk and showered down again on the 
adjacent multitude, dispersing no small portion of it among the more 
polite spectators at the windows, to the great entertainment of the 

4 'Six days afterwards the ambassadors were admitted to a public 
audience, on which occasion the procession was repeated. The Pope, 
surrounded by the cardinals and prelates of the church, and attended by 
the ambassadors of foreign states and all the officers of his court, was 
addressed in a Latin oration by Pacheco, at the conclusion of which 
Leo replied to him in the same language, highly commending the king 
for his devotion to the Holy See. Of this opportunity the Pontiff also 
availed himself, to recommend the maintenance of peace among the 
states of Europe and the union of their arms against the Turks, express- 
ing himself with such promptitude, seriousness, and elegance, as to ob- 
tain the unanimous admiration of the auditors. On the following day 
the presents from the king were brought into the conservatory of the 
gardens, adjoining the pontifical palace, where, on the introduction of 
animals proper for that purpose, the wild beasts displayed their agility 
in taking, and their ferocity in devouring, their prey: a spectacle which 
humanity would have spared, but which was probably highly gratifying 
to the Pontiff, who was devoted to the pleasures of the chase. The 
Portuguese monarch had intended to have surprised the Roman people 
with the sight of another and yet rarer animal, which had not been 
seen in Rome for many ages ; but the rhinoceros, which he had brought 
from the East with this view, unfortunately perished in the attempt to 
get him on board the vessel prepared to transport him to Italy." — 
William Roscoe's Life and Pontificate of Leo the Tenth. London, 1846, 
vol. i, pp. 362, 363. 

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example which has as yet occurred, wherein our Lord God, 
by reason of his profound pity for his people, has deemed 
it right to increase their pleasure with fresh joy, and their 
prosperity with new and universal occasions of rejoicing. 
For in addition to His elevation of your holiness this year 
to the majesty of the pontifical throne, more for the universal 
profit of Christendom than for any particular benefit to your 
own self, He yet further made yonr holiness the sole refuge 
and safeguard in matters almost hopelessly ruined, and at a 
time when the whole world is occupied in the prosecution of 
wars, in order that with greater rejoicings his new choice 
might be inaugurated. At this very juncture it was that 
He gave to the most puissant and very fortunate and in- 
vincible King D. Manuel of Portugal so many and such 
great victories and triumphs over his enemies, that one 
may easily believe that the Lord is fighting on our side ; 
and indeed that in this last brilliant enterprise, which was 
fought out victoriously in His name, He has given us a sign 
that from this day forward we should have confidence in 
Him to confer upon us signal victories, if we will only make 
up our determination to use that prestige which belongs 
naturally to us, and which is so universally admitted and 
dreaded among barbarian nations. 

" Is it possible that there may haply be some one who is 
capable of deeming as works performed by the hands of 
men those deeds which have lately been accomplished by 
the Portuguese in India, under the captainship of the valiant 
Afonso Dalboquerque ? So many cities of unmeasured 
wealth and immense strength entered by force of arms? 
so many various nations conquered ? so many tribes over- 
come in battle ? and this, too, with a very disproportionate 
number of soldiers, who were always able to come victoriously 
oat of every enterprise to which they had devoted them- 
selves. Yea, and more than this, they compelled many 
kings to become tributaries, after having been reduced to 

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the state of subjects by the valour of the arms of Portugal : 
and even those who were not reached by the perils of the 
war, in order to secure their immunity from him, either came 
in person or sent their ambassadors with great earnestness 
to sue for peace and alliance. And for this reason the noble 
nature of these victories is greater and more excellent, 
because they are justly celebrated, not for the slaughter and 
destruction which was so frequently dealt out to the enemy, 
but for the notable Portuguese spirit, whereby they were 
gained ; and it was to this spirit that God thus showed His 
favour ; that the victories of the present age should put 
those of the past ages out of remembrance in such a manner 
that the spoils of the one should exceed the spoils of the other, 
and yet with these victories there should be added so many 
kings conquered, and all the other potentates who were 
unwilling to measure their strength against the intrepidity 
of the Portuguese arms, compelled to enter into an alliance. 

" Wherefore, Most Blessed Father, your holiness proceeds 
with great prudence and Christian zeal, like all the rest in 
this respect, when for a victory of so much importance as 
this is (and I know not if any one could wish for a greater 
one), which at such a happy season our Lord has been 
pleased to grant to the most Christian King D. Manuel, 
you order solemn processions to take place, and accompany 
them in your own person, in order that due thanks may be 
given to the Lord, and to all the saints for such a great mark 
of His mercy as this is. 

" For this is not a victory which has been gained over a 
warlike tribe, or over a fortified and obstinately defended 
city, but over that great and celebrated land of India, 
wherein, after the subjecting by Portuguese arms of the ex- 
ceedingly rich kingdoms of Goa and Ormuz, and making 
them tributary, in such a manner that from the hands of 
the valiant Captain Afonso Dalboquerque, in the name of 
the King of Portugal, his lord, these kingdoms received the 

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persons who were appointed to govern them, now, as a result 
of these great victories by sea as well as by land, there lies 
overthrown that most fertile and rich kingdom of Malaca, 
called by the ancients, on account of its enormous wealth, 
Oolden, 1 for they desired by this appellation (given never 
to any other land) to signify the great extent of its immense 
sources of wealth ; and not only in the conquest of these 
kingdoms is our mind occupied with the greatness of them, 
but (and this is of no small importance in these present times 
in which we live) we have to bear m mind that as for the 
barbarians whom before this event the report of our prowess 
had not reached, now, I say, the peril of these kingdoms 
terrifies those barbarians to whose lands we have opened 
the roads, and of whom up to the present time we have had 
no knowledge whatever. 

" Thus, for example, there is thrown open to us by the 
conquest of the kingdom of Ormuz the road whereby the 
Holy House of Jerusalem (the country in which our Saviour 
was born) can again be recovered and rescued from the 
hands of those infidels who tyrannically and unrighteously 
possess it, for into their hearts we have instilled a dread 
which makes them fear lest they be compelled to share in 
the peril which has befallen their comrades. And in all 
these matters I am at a loss to decide to which of two facts 
I ought to give the greater praise, to the zeal and good 
fortune of the most puissant King D. Manuel, who with so 
much trouble and expenditure of treasure has desired to 
extend the name of Christ to the regions so far distant, and 
"to nations foreign to our intercourse, with the intent that 
where the law of Christ had never before been in force there 
might he plant the flag of His Holy Cross; or to the spirit, 
understanding, and bravery of Portuguese minds, which 
with an effort of daring never before witnessed, and with a 
thoroughly determined eagerness to augment the Christian 

1 See p. 71. 

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religion, have passed over into climes so different from their 
native land, and there have been compelled to do battle, 
not only with cruel and inhuman enemies, but also with 
hunger itself, thirst, cold, and heat insufferable : and yet 
with all this to despise every one of the troubles that could 
possibly supervene, in order to accomplish the obligations 
which, at the orders of their king, they had cheerfully under- 
taken to perform. 

" And in these enterprises those who will take the trouble 
to look into the matter may easily perceive the extensive 
nature of the Lord's mercies, when they bear in mind the 
8mallness of the heroic bandj which gained possession of 
the whole of India. For although there were not so many 
as three thousand Portuguese souls in the whole of the 
fleet, they overcame so many kingdoms of that country and 
took them by force of arms ; and so many kings, who were 
so terrified at the fame of the Portuguese, that they came 
in humble guise to beg for peace, while those who were un- 
willing to accept the terms of peace had to receive by force 
the laws imposed upon them by the hands of their con- 
querors : yea, and some among them, whom it pleased the 
Lord to enlighten, received baptism and embraced the 
Christian faith, in such a way that, even in climes so remote 
as these are, Christians were found with Christians : and as 
the ultimate result of these victories, gained by means of 
the same limited number of men, and even fewer still, — for 
they were obliged to detach some of the number to form 
the garrisons of the kingdoms that had been captured — we 
behold Malaca taken, her King conquered, and put to flight 
with a small remnant of his army that could barely manage 
to follow him, the greater part of it having met their death 
by the sword ; and thus is this city of such noble fame, the 
capital of such a rich kingdom, in the power of Christians. 
This, Most Blessed Father, is that Golden Chersonese 1 

» See p. 71. 

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which lies at the other end of that great gulf wherein the 
River Granges discharges her waters into the sea, so famous 
for her immense wealth, that on account of the very many 
kinds and very great worth of her merchandize, which is 
imported thither from different countries, as well as on 
account of the no less rich materials which are exported 
therefrom, she stands in estimation of being the noblest 
place of the whole of India ; and this is but reasonable, for 
there is not a single thing of those % which are desirable in 
this life, whereof she does not contain a very great abund- 

" There reigned in Malaca a King, who was, as to his faith, 
a Moor, as to treasures, rich and powerful, and possessed of a 
navy, and a very bitter enemy of the Christian name, espe- 
cially of the Portuguese, for about two years previously he 
had treacherously sought the death of a noble Portuguese 
Captain who had arrived at this port, and the celebrated Cap- 
tain Afonso Daiboquerque — (a name deserving of all praise 
for his illustrious deeds) — who at that time, in the name of 
the most puissant King D. Manuel, governed India, having 
pacified and established in security the other kingdoms and 
their fortresses of which in that country on this side of the 
Ganges, or as the Portuguese call it ' inside the cape of 
Comorim J , he had gained possession, made up his mind to 
avenge the treason which the King of Malaca had practised 
towards the Portuguese, and by way of satisfaction for this 
deed to deprive him of his kingdom ; and thus having 
arrived in good season at Malaca, he put himself in array 
to attack the city, not only by land but also by sea. 

" The King of the country, who had never allowed his 
thoughts to be disturbed by the idea of such an event, per- 
ceiving himself not to be so well prepared as he wished to 
be for defending himself, thought it right to resort to arti- 
fice, and sent a message of peaceful import to Afonso Dai- 
boquerque, the spirited avenger of the treason which had 

VOL. III. n 

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been shewn to the Portuguese, and began with dilatory 
proceedings to lengthen out the time for the settlement of 
the measures for peace, for which he was pretending to 
treat, and to temporise with him while, at the same time, he 
continued to fortify himself; but these measures of precau- 
tion did not escape the notice of the Portuguese, who put 
themselves in position for attacking the city ; and man- 
ning their small craft, with breasts inflamed with a spirited 
valour, swooped down upon the coast ; and bringing into 
action the artillery they carried with them, began to dis- 
perse the Moors so that they might effect an entrance into 
the city with less danger to themselves. 

" The King of Malaca, finding himself thrown into this 
difficulty, and that he was now driven into a position in 
which he was compelled to defend himself by force of arms, 
and that now artifices were no longer of any avail, sets in 
order his defence with his men behind their stockades, 
while he himself mounted upon an elephant keeps on going 
up and down among them urging them on, and calling 
upon them that they must not think of failing their country 
in its present need, and in the supreme necessity which 
had fallen upon it. And now the Portuguese, with a spirit 
overjoyed and animated, had reached the wall, and the guns 
along the shore were pouring forth their fire, when the in- 
habitants of the city began to grow alarmed, their heart 
failed them, and deserting their stockades, which they had 
maintained for a short time only, commenced their flight ; 
the Portuguese pursuing them with victorious exultation, 
and following closely pell-mell in the pursuit after the 
routed enemy, got into the city, and reached the very heart 
of it, where, upon a bridge which stood over a river along 
which the shipping enters, running through the midst of 
the city, the King had made his last stand, and posted the 
main force of his army, and strengthening the defences of 
the stockades here more and more, he rallied in it those 

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who were in flight ; for as the river could not be forded by 
the Portuguese, he fortified himself on the bridge. 

" Here it was that the contest grew sharper, nevertheless 
the Portuguese, favoured with the hope of victory (the 
enemy being somewhat dashed with dread of the Portu- 
guese arms) fought so fiercely with the infidels, that taking 
no precautions against their arms, and caring nought for 
their elephants with the castles full of archers, and despis- 
ing the difficulty of the ford, with their swords carved out 
an open way through the midst of the enemy, some of 
whom out of sheer despair threw themselves upon the 
weapons of the Portuguese, while others cast themselves 
into the river to gain safety ; finally, after the space of a 
few hours, all were in full flight, and the King, wounded as 
he was, along with them. 

" The city was then entered and pillaged, a large number 
of the enemy put to death. In it was found an immense 
quantity of gold and silver, and they found also very many 
stores and munitions of war, among which there were two 
thousand pieces of artillery. Among the spoils there were 
taken seven elephants, caparisoned for battle, with their 
castles and their harness woven with gold and very richly 
garnished; so that not only the human beings, but even 
the brute beasts, of that kingdom were put under obedience 
to the Portuguese empire. 

"0 good God, O mighty Lord, Thine is the power, 1 
Thine the might; 8 Thy right hand hath conferred the 
valour ; Thy right hand exalted us : for how could so 
strongly fortified a city as this have been entered, and 

1 u Thine, O Lord is the greatness, and the power, and the glory, and 
the victory, and the majesty." — 1 Chron. xxix, 11 ; cf. also 1 Chron. 
xxix, 12 ; Matth. vi, 13. 

* ik Rulest thou not over all the kingdoms of the heathen ? and in 
thine hand is there not power and might, so that none is able to with- 
stand thee?"— 2 Chron. xx, 6. 


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so powerful a King be cast oat from it, if Thou hadst 
not given us Thy help and Thy favour. Not unto us, Lord, 
not unto us, but unto Thy name give glory. Thou hast 
broken the strength 1 of the enemy. Thou hast made the 
races subject unto us, and hast put them under our feet. 3 
Thou didst send forth thine arrows, 8 and overcamedst them, 
with Thy lightnings Thou didst scatter them, Thou wert 
the Captain, 4 Thou the Counsellor, 6 Thou didst strike fear 
into our enemies, Thou madest them flee away. Not for our 
sakes, Lord, not for our sakes, but for the glory of Thy name. 1 

" But wherefore do I thus dwell so much upon the capture 
of Malaca, for what was done with the ruins of the city 
after it was taken is no less worthy of narration. Of it and of 
its mosques there was immediately constructed a fortress, 
strong enough to act as a check upon that turbulent people, 
and Governors were appointed over them every year, under 
whose government they might live, and laws whereby they 
might be upheld, in the dispensation of justice, and after 
this treaties of peace were concluded with many kings of 
countries adjacent to it, as, for example, the Kings of Pegu, 
Samatra, Pedir, Pace, the Javanese, and lastly, even the 
Chinese of the far distant East, so celebrated on account of 
their merchant wares. 

" And in order that there should not be wanting to the 
Portuguese an occasion of consolidating their forces, and 
by means of them extending that empire which had been 
by their employment acquired, the illustrious Afonso Dalbo- 

1 " I will destroy the strength of the kingdoms of the heathen." — 
Hag. ii, 22. 

1 " He shall subdue the people under us, and the nations under our 
feet."— Ps. xlvii, 3. 

9 " His arrow shall go forth as the lightning." — Zach. ix, 14. " Cast 
forth lightning, and scatter them ; shoot out thine arrows, and destroy 
them."— Ps. cxliv, 6. 

* " God himself is with us for our captain." — 2 Chron. xiii, 2. 

9 " Who hath been his counsellor."— Rom. xi, 34. 

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querque, having sailed away from Malaca/ returned to Goa ; 
and how shall I describe the victory which he gained ? 
Por it does not appear to be so much a victory as a Divine 
dispensation which would have affairs turn out thus ; for 
this illustrious captain, having gained possession of the island 
and kingdom of Goa by force of arms upon two occasions, 
leaving it, at the time of his setting out, in the most fortified 
condition that he could, while he prosecuted his voyage to 
Malaca, and visited the remaining fortresses of India. The 
Hidalcâo, who had been lord of this city, seeing that Afonso 
Dalboquerque was no longer at hand to defend it, came 
down and besieged it with a great force of soldiers on foot 
and horse, and built a fortress close to an arm of the sea, 
which runs up into the land and surrounds the island ; and 
so causing his men to pass over to the island, he instructed 
them with constant skirmishes and surprises to tire out 
the Portuguese who were left in the fortress, and these, 
besieged as they were by so powerful an enemy, found 
themselves in great straits and necessity. But in accord- 
ance with our Lord's will, at the very time while they were 
in this difficulty, the fleet, which was returning from 
Malaca with the honour of such a great victory, came into 
sight; and at its coming so great was the fear of the 
enemies, that without waiting for the Portuguese forces to 
disembark, they raised the siege and hastened away with 
as much haste as they had first shown at their coming, 

" We read concerning that great Alexander, Prince of 
Macedon, that when he arrived at the country of India, and 
had assaulted a fortified city well defended by its inhabit- 
ants, he held it to be of such great importance, and it ap- 
peared to be so successful a matter to have captured the 
place, that his soldiers did not fail to declare that he was 

1 From this paragraph to the end of the oration, the orator deals with 
events connected with Portuguese rule in India, which the Commentaries 
are about to describe in the succeeding chapters of the volume. 

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more valiant than Hercules. If this be so, what triumphs, 
what sovereign honour is due to the King D. Manuel, who 
has subjects by whose hands and might he has not only 
conquered by force of arms a city of India, but with a con- 
tinued round of his victories kept on going about India 
itself — a country never beheld by the Romans, unknown to 
the Goths, and in vain assailed on many occasions by the 
famous Sesostris, 1 King of Egypt, Cyrus, 2 and Semiramis. 8 

"When Augustus Cassar had become monarch he esteemed 
it as the greatest happiness he could enjoy, among his other 
pleasures, to be visited by the kings of India with presents, 
and that they sent him their ambassadors to ask for peace. 

"Who can well recount the great services which have 
been offered to the all-unconquered King D. Manuel by the 
kings of India ? the tribute which they have paid him ? the 
amity which they have besought of him ? and, lastly, the 

1 "Sed Germanicua visit veterum Thebarum magna vestigia: 

et manebant struct!» molibus liter» -3Sgypti«, priorem opulentiam com- 
plex» : jussusque e senioribus sacerdotum patrium sermonem interpre- 
taria referebat, * habitasse quondam septingenta inillia setate militari: 
atque eo cum ezercitu Regem Rhamsen,* Libya, Ethiopia, Medis- 
que et Persis et Bactriano ac Scytha, potitum'," etc.— Tacit., 
Annal. y ii, 60. 

1 This refers to the inheritance by Cyrus of the territory of his uncle 
Cyaxaras, who thereby became master of nearly all Asia. His empire 
included Babylon, Assyria, the Medes, the Persians, and Asia Minor. 

* Semiramis, Queen of Assyria, subjugated Arabia, Egypt, part of 
Ethiopia and Libya, and the whole of Asia as far as the Indus ; but, 
having experienced a check on the banks of that river, did not push her 
conquests any further in that direction, 

* Valpy's Delphin edit, of 1821 , has the following note here, to shew 
the identity of Sesostris and Rameses: " Eadem dicuntur de Sesotride a 
Diodoro. ' Armais' apud Josephum, unde hos Reges depromsit Euse- 
bius frater Sesothios, ipso fratre expeditionem in Asiam faciente, invasit 
regnum JSgypti, etc. Iste Sesothios trinominis f uit, teste Manethone. 
Yocatus enim est Ramesses et prseterea Mot pros. Sed Josephus hseo 
nomina permiscuit. Nam Sesothis Josephi est Sesostris Herodoti et 
Sesoõstis Diodori/' 

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terms of vassalage which almost all of them have been com- 
pelled to accept at the hand and by the might of this illus- 
trious captain ? For apart from those who by force of arms 
Afonso Dalboquerqne had rendered tributary, there re- 
mained not a single king of India by whom he was not ap- 
proached with services of an infinite importance ; by the 
King of Cambaya, by the powerful King of Narsinga, who 
when he was apprised of the victory of Malaca transmitted 
by his ambassadors a cup of gold, and a golden sword, with 
a ruby of inestimable value set in the handle, and sent 
word to beg that Afonso Dalboquerque would think fit 
graciously to make use of him and of his kingdom. But 
wherefore do I tarry in relating the gold and the precious 
stones, and articles of value which the inGdels sent to him ? 
I will pass on to what is of far greater importance. The 
celebrated Preste João, lord of the whole of Ethiopia which 
lies below Egypt, in order to gain him over as his friend, 
sent him not gold, nor precious stones, but he sent him that 
which he held in much greater estimation, and which Afonso \ 
Dalboquerque himself valued far more highly, and this was j 
a large piece of the wood of the True Cross ; l and with it I 
he sent word to say that he felt he was justified in thus 
sending him that part of the True Cross 8 wherein we have 
been redeemed, because he had by force of arms unfolded 
the banner of the Holy Cross so far away from his father- 

" Historians write that Demetrius, the son of Antigonus, 
who was the successor of Alexander in the lordship of 
Macedonia, on account of his assiduity in capturing cities, 
was called Poliorcetes, which in the Greek language signifies 
the taker of cities. What name shall we give then to the 
excellent captain, Afonso Dalboquerque, since he has taken 

1 Vera Cruz. This adjective is very rarely used, except in connection 
with Cruz, and not always then, as below. 
a Verdadeira Cruz. 

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go many cities, conquered such kingdoms, dispersed so many 
armies ? What happiness is there which can be compared 
to that of a king who is the lord of such a subject, who by 
force of arms destroyed the most powerful kingdom of 
Calicut ? Did he not compel the King of Narsinga, mighty 
as he was, with all his vassals, and the treasure of kingdoms, 
and abundance of elephants, to come and sue for peace from 
the King of Portugal? Did he not force the King of 
Cambaya to accept terms of peace? Did he not restore 
their kingdoms to the Kings of Cochim and Cananor after 
that he had beaten them in battle ? Did he not deliver 
from their heavy thraldom the Christians who lived in 
India ? Did he not gain the kingdom of Ormuz ? the king- 
dom of Goa Í the kingdom and Island of Ceylon? And, lastly, 
not satisfied with so many victories, did not the powerfulKing 
Dom Manuel send him to prosecute the war against the grand 
Sultan of Egypt, and pass the Bed Sea ? And in order 
that there should not be any parts of the world to which 
his victories did not extend, did he not take the noble city 
of Çafim 1 in Africa ? 

"All which victories and most auspicious successes of 
the most invincible King Dom Manuel are just so much the 
more worthy of praise and honour, in proportion as we our- 
selves deserve the opprobrium of mankind, for he labours 
for no other object than to extend throughout the world the 
Faith of Christ, which has been entrusted to us as the 
righteous and universal aim of all our exertions, while we 
are all occupied and overburdened in our attempts to 
avenge private injuries : he attacks infidel enemies, we are 
fighting against one another : he acquires for himself new 
kingdoms and provinces, we by our remissness are losing 

1 Cqftm, or Saffi, the ancient Rusupis, a walled town and port of 
Morocco, to the north of Mogador, taken by the Portuguese in 1508, 
and abandoned in 1641. See Osorius, lib. v, ad init., for the narrative 
of the events connected with the Portuguese conquest of this town. 

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what we already possess, and we shall lose more and more 
if we do not listen to the Lord, who calls ns every day, and 
cries ont to ns to awaken. 

" Consider, lords, I entreat you, by your faith, how many 
and how serious losses has the Christian religion suffered 
for the last sixty years in these parts. Are they, perad- 
venture, things that we can possibly forget f Can we recall 
them to mind without great pain f What of Constantinople f 1 
What of Negroponte? 2 What of Lepanto? 8 What of 
Modon ? 4 What of Durazzo f 5 What of the other cities, 

i Mahomet II, son and successor of Amurath, who was raised to the 
Ottoman throne in the twentieth year of his age in 1451, conceived the 
design of achieving the conquest of the Greek Empire, by the taking of 
Constantinople. He succeeded in overcoming all the difficulties which 
obstructed this enterprise, in which several of his predecessors had failed. 
At the head of an army of 300,000 combatants, supported by a fleet of 
300 sail, be appeared before that capital, and commenced the siege on 
the sixth of April, 1453. The besieged, having only from 8,000 to 
10,000 men to oppose the superior force of the enemy, yielded to the 
powerful and redoubled efforts of the Turks, after a vigorous defence of 
fifty -three days. The city was carried by assault on the 29th of May, 
and delivered up to the unrestrained pillage of the soldiers. Constantino, 
the last of the Greek emperors, perished in the first onset, and all the 
inhabitants were carried into slavery. In the short space of six or seven 
hours the Turks had cleared the city entirely of all its inhabitants. This 
conquest was followed by that of Servia, Bosnia, Albania, Greece, and 
the whole of the Peloponnesus or Morea, as well as most of the islands 
of the Archipelago. The Greek Empire of Trebizond, on the coast of 
Asia Minor, submitted in like manner to the law of the conqueror in 
1466. Koch. 

■ Negroponte, the ancient Eubcea, wrested by the Turks from the 
Venetians in 1470. 

* Lepanto, the ancient Naupactus, west of Athens, on the northern side 
of the Gulf of Lepanto. The Turks besieged the city in 1475 without 
success, but obtained possession of it in 1498. The city was reconquered 
by the Venetians in 1687, but they lost it again in 1699. 

4 Modon, the ancient Methone, a fortified town inMesBenia, on a rocky 
projection into the sea south-west of Tripolitza. It has an octagonal 
tower built upon an isolated rock. A Venetian possession, probably 
captured and held by the Turks at this period. 

• Durazzo, the ancient Epidamnus, and Dyrrachium, a maritime town 

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which to onr deep disgrace are in the power of the Turks f 
What do we look for? except that they should take us 
asleep, and destroy us while we are unprepared, and kill 
us before we can put ourselves on our guard. Even now 
they are making an entry into Hungary ; even now they 
aro making war in Sclavonia ; even now they scour the sea 
unchallenged; even now they are seeking to sieze upon 

" Now, therefore, Most Blessed Father, for you have come, 
as it were a star of salvation in the midst of this unsupport- 
able misery, take precautions against this, pacify these dis- 
cordant motives, which actuate the Princes of Christendom, 
put down for ever this miserable war which is raging among 
them, for no possible good can come of it ; put aside all 
animosity, so that when all are as friends again the arms 
which one party have prepared against the other, combined 
together, may be turned against the common enemy, 1 to 
the end that when he is overcome, and we have recovered 
the Holy House in union with the King Dom Manuel (who is 
sending twelve thousand men under command of the Duke 
of Bragança, his son-in-law, over to Africa), if we turn out 
victorious we may lift up unto the Lord a trophy of the 
victory which he has given to us over barbarous nations, 
and those may be put to confusion who worship idols, and 

of Albania, to the Bouth of Scutari. In the middle ages this town was 
the seat of a Duchy held by the house of Anjou-Sicily. The Sultan 
Bajazet II (1481-1512), reunited it to the Turkish Empire. 

1 In an assembly held by Pope Pius H at Mantua in 1459 he had, 
upwards of sixty years before the delivery of this oration, proposed a 
general association among the powers of the West against the Turks. 
A crusade was published by his orders, and he was on the point of setting 
out in person at the head of the expedition when he was suddenly cut off 
by death, in 1464, at Ancona, where he had appointed the general 
rendezvous of the confederate troops. This event, added to the terror 
which the arms of Sultan Mahomet II had created among the Western 
nations, disconcerted the plans of the crusaders, and was the means of 
dissolving their confederacy. 

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put their trust in vain gods, and that they may know the 
name of the Lord, and admit that He alone is the Mighty. 
One over all the world." Amen. 


The proceedings of the Portuguese in Goa with the Captains of the 
Hidalcfio, who came and besieged the city after the departure of the 
great Afonso Dalboquerque for Malaca. 

The Hidalc&o haying recalled to mind that which the great 
Afonso Dalboquerque had sent to declare to his father (while 
that commander was lying in the river of Goa, as has been 
already related, when he was no longer able to restrain his 
temper) that he should yet see his words come to pass, and 
the city in the power of the Christians, and Milrrhao, 1 the 
Hindoo, carrying on the government, and farming the 
revenues of the mainland districts ; and having brought 
himself to imagine that the season was favourable to get 
possession of his city again, on account of the departure of 
Afonso Dalboquerque for Malaca, he sent one of his captains, 
who was called Pulatec&o,* with a force of infantry and horse- 
men, to make their way down against Milrrhao, and cast 
him forth out of the country, and endeavour as much as he 
could to capture Timoja, who was in company with Milrrhao, 
and as soon as he had got them into his hands to remain 

* Milrrhao ; the latter part of this name is the title Rao, used by the 
Hindoos for a chief or prince, probably derived from Raja. Among the 
Mahrattas it is a title for distinguished persons, whether military or 
civil, and is assumed by a caste of Sudras pretending to be derived from 
the primitive kshatriya, or military caste. He is called Merlao in the 
early part of this volume. See chapter vi. 

* Pulatecão; here, as is frequently the case in this work, the name and 
title of the person are combined. Pulad, or Fulad, are not unknown as 
personal names in Oriental literature ; Cão is Khan, a title borne by Mo- 
hammedan nobles, especially when of Persian or Pathan descent ; it is 
also a common adjunct to Afghan or Pathan names. 

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quiet as he was, and wait until he should receive instruc- 
tions how to proceed. Pulatecão, having set forth on his 
expedition with his camp, as soon as Milrrhao received in- 
formation of his intended attack, he proceeded to get ready 
and wait for him with five thousand native peons and fifty 
mounted men, and sent forward Hicarrhau 1 to defend a 
pass in the mountain range which the enemy had to traverse, 
but he was so slow about this that when he reached the 
pass he found that Pulatec&o had already taken possession 
of it; and Pulatecão with all his men fell upon him, and 
routed him, and, pursuing him hotly, killed him in his 
flight, and a large portion of the men who were with him ; 
and, just as he was, without waiting for anything, he fell 
upon Milrrhao's camp, and put him to rout without any loss 
of time. And Milrrhao, perceiving himself to be thus worsted, 
and having no hope of any succour, at the advice of Timoja 
would not return to Goa, but turned his steps towards Nar- 
singa, and when he arrived at Bisnaga, where the King of 
Narsinga lived, he met with a very favourable reception, 
and there it was that Timoja died, shortly after arriving 
there ; and Milrrhao, after the lapse of some days, having 
received a report from Onor that his brother, who had risen 
up and taken possession of that kingdom, was dead, begged 
permission of the king to depart, and proceeded to take pos- 
session of that kingdom, and always remained a staunch 
adherent of the King of Portugal. 

Pulatecão, when he found that he had gained this victory, 
and was in possession of the lands of Goa, forgetting all 
that the Hidalcão had ordered him to do, desired to follow 
up his good fortune, and prepared certain rafts and boats 
which he found at hand, and without meeting with any re- 
sistance, crossed over to the Island of Goa, and fortified his 
position in Benastarim, which position Rodrigo Rabelo, who 
was the captain of the city, 2 either from carelessness or from 

1 Hicarrhau ; he is called Icarao in chapter vi. a See p. 42. 

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being occupied with other matters, which he considered 
more necessary, had not fortified, although Afonso Dalbo- 
querquó had commanded him to do so before his departure, 
for it was a place of passage, and a principal pass leading 
from the mainland to the Island of Goa. 

As soon as Pulatecfto had fortified Benastarim, with the 
determination of maintaining the military position there, he 
made an incursion through the neighbouring Hindoo villages, 
destroying and burning everything that he found there. 
But when Bodrigo Rabelo was informed of this he sallied 
out of the city with thirty mounted men, and the aged 
Alguazil of Cananor with four hundred Naires arrived with 
drawn swords and shields, whom Diogo Corrêa had sent up 
to his assistance, when he heard the news of the coming of 
the HidaJcfto's forces, fell upon Pulatecfto very valiantly and 
worsted him, and killed fifteen hundred of his Turks and 
Coraçones. Nevertheless, this sudden accession of good 
luck caused Bodrigo Babelo to despise the enemies whom 
he had overcome, and he set himself in hot pursuit after 
them with his mounted men. The Turks finding themselves 
pressed by ours, rallied a party of about sixty at some old 
ruins of walls, which were on a hill, in order to escape the 
onrush of our men. Bodrigo Babelo got up to them, and 
engaged them, but as the place where they stood was some- 
what uphill, and difficult to enter on horseback, the Turks 
defended themselves with such success that they killed him 
and Manuel da Cunha who were in the van. 

When the remainder of the Portuguese force saw they 
were left without a captain, they returned again with news of 
this sad disaster to the city, in which there arose much 
sadness for the death of Bodrigo Babelo, because he was 
a very daring Captain, and of singular bravery. And 
Pulatecfto, with the remainder of his forces, retired back 
to Bena8tarim, determined to make war upon the city. 
The greater number of our party, who did not wish 

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that Francisco Pantojo, who was entitled to the succes- 
sion because he was chief Alcaide of the fortress, should 
become Captain, after some dissensions had amongst them- 
selves elected as their Captain Diogo Mendez de Vascon- 
celos, whom Afonso Dalboquerque had left captive in the 
keep 3 , for the reasons already narrated. As soon as this 
election was made, they all proceeded to the castle, and 
loosed him, and delivered over to him the government of 
the city, with an oath which they all took before him, that 
they would obey him as the representative of the proper 
person of Afonso Dalboquerque, until he himself should 
make such arrangements in this matter as should seem best ; 
and as soon as Diogo Mendez de Vasconcelos was in pos- 
session of the captainship, he wrote to Manuel de Lacerda, 
who was making his way as chief Captain of a fleet against 
Calicut, 8 giving him an account of all that had occurred, 
and desiring him to come back to help him. 


How the Hidalcão, on learning that his Captain had made an entry into 
the Island of Goa and taken Benaatarim without permission, 
ordered Boçalcão to take it from him, and what passed thereupon. 

Directly that Manuel de Lacerda received news from 
Diogo Mendez of the trouble in which he was involved, he 
left off guarding the coast of Calicut, and came on with all 
his fleet and people to relieve Goa, and there he found all 
the city in great alarm at the news that was going about 
of the approach of Koçalcâo, principal Captain of the Hi- 
dalcâo; with a numerous force of men, and much artillery. 
And in order that they should not be taken unprepared, and 
at a disadvantage, they hurried on with great rapidity the 

1 See p. 48. * See p. 63. 

9 See ch. ix, at end. 

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fortification of the city, and removal of the stockades, and 
collection of provisions, before winter should come on, and 
at this juncture there arrived Diogo Fernandez de Beja with 
his fleet and forces, whom Afonso Dalboquerque, just before 
he sailed to Malaca, had sent off to Ormuz, and this greatly 
inspirited our men. 

The Hidalcão, when he heard how Pulatecão had entered 
into the Island of Goa, and was in possession of Benasta- 
rim, fearing what he might do next, because he was a 
restless character, who, after the loss of Goa, had risen up in 
rebellion against him, and would not obey him, as he always 
used to do in respect of the revenue of the land, sent one 
of his principal Captains, in whom he had great confidence, 
who was called Roçalcão, with a large force of men and 
guns against Goa, with orders to do his best to eject him. 

Pulatecão was not pleased at the arrival of Roçalcão, but 
considered himself deeply injured by the Hidalcão sending 
another Captain upon that business, when he himself had 
gained the entry into the island ; and what provoked him 
more than all was that it was Roçalcão, with whom he was 
not on very friendly terms, and on this account he would 
not obey his orders. Now, as Roçalcão was a discreet man, 
and perceived that this matter could not be managed by 
forcible means, he made up his mind to make use of our 
people to gain his purpose, and with a most profound dis- 
simulation availed himself of the following artifice. 

There came in his retinue João Machado 1 with fifteen 
Portuguese who had been taken prisoners with Fernão 
Jacome, when his ship went ashore wherein he had set out 
from Çacotorá, as has been already narrated, and among the 
company of these captives came one Duarte Tavares, 
esquire of the Count of Abrantes, whom the Turks took 
prisoner in the Island of Choram, 9 and because this Duarte 

1 See vol. ii, ch. xxxix. 

8 See vol. ii, Introduction, p. cv. 

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Tavares was a man of credit with them, Roçalcáo sent him 
with a communication to Diogo Mendez, Captain of the 
Island of Goa, to declare to him that the Hidalcfto, his lord, 
greatly desired to have peace and friendship with the King 
of Portugal, and was very much annoyed at what Pulatecáo 
had done, and had therefore sent him thither with a force 
to get him into his hands ; but, on arrival at Benastarim, he 
had fonnd him out of his reach, and in the attitude of one 
who had risen up in rebellion ; therefore Roçalcáo desired 
him graciously to assist in casting him out, for the Hidalcáo 
did not wish to make war upon the Portuguese, but desired 
peace and friendship. 

Diogo Mendez, not bearing in mind that the King of 
Portugal would be better served if he assisted Pulatecáo, 
who was a man with an adventurous spirit, a Turk by birth, 
who had risen up in rebellion against the Hidalcão (for, had 
he been assisted by our party, he might have been persuaded 
to undertake some proceedings against him), and trusting 
also in the words of Duarte Tavares, who came quite de- 
ceived of the true state of affairs by the artifices of Roçalcáo, 
agreed with all the Fidalgoes and cavaliers to help him, and 
immediately made ready the boats and galleys, and ordered 
Diogo Fernandez de Beja to proceed with two hundred men 
up the river to assist the operations made by Roçalcáo ; and 
thus by means of our assistance by water, while Roçalcáo 
himself manoeuvred on the land, they fell upon Pulatecfto, 
and routed him ; and when Pulatecfto saw that he had lost 
the day, he fled to the mainland of Goa, where he died of 

As soon as Roçalcáo had got possession of Benastarim, 
and fortified it, and provided it with a large force of men, 
and artillery, and munitions of war, after the lapse of a few 
days, he sent a message to Diogo Mendez, begging him 
greatly of his kindness to admit him into the city, for it was 
the chief city of the kingdom of the Hidalcfto, his lord, 

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which could not be established in any other locality. At 
the receipt of this message Diogo Mendez became very 
downcast, and discovered the error into which he had fallen, 
and those who had given their assent to his policy were 
discomfited, and from that time forward Koçalcão began to 
make war npon him, and kept the city closely besieged 
daring the whole of that winter, so that our people under- 
went many hardships, hunger, and misfortunes — far too 
many for me to relate them here — up to the time when the 
great Afonso Dalboquerque returned from Malaca, which 
was just at the very height of these troubles, when already 
there was a good space of the wall of the fortress thrown 
down to the ground, which had fallen during the severe 
wintry weather. 

When João Machado saw that some of the Portuguese 
went over to Roçalcâo, out of despair of the city being able 
to hold out any longer, he left his wife and children, who 
were there with him, and came over to our side with ten or 
twelve Christians who desired to accompany him, and this 
incident greatly inspirited our men, because it was in so 
opportune a crisis. This João Machado had married a 
Moorish woman, who became a Christian, and by her he had 
three or four children, whom he himself baptised secretly. 


How the great Afonso Dalboquerque, having set sail from Malaca, 
steered for the channel by which he had entered when he came 
from India: and how he was wrecked on some shallows off the 
Coast of Çamatra, and miraculously saved, and the rest that took 

The great Afonso Dalboquerque, having set out from 
Malaca, steered so as to reach the channel by which he had 
entered when he came from India, and when he had passed 

VOL. III. o 

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over the shoals of Capacia he ordered the captains of the 
ship Enzobregas and the junk to keep close together, 
because they sailed well in company, lest the Javanese, who 
were on board the junk, should plan any treason against 
thera, while he himself and Pero Dalpoem sailed as convoy 
to each other ; and thus proceeding with their voyage, when 
they had gone as far forward as the Powder Island, 1 the 
Pilots of Afonso Dalboquerque's ship not being on their 
guard concerning certain shallows which were situated off 
that part of the coast of Çamatra, just opposite to the king- 
dom of Darú, 2 ran the ship Fkr-de-la-Mar ashore upon 
them in the night, and the vessel, being by this time very 
old, broke up into two parts directly she struck. 8 

Pero Dalpoem, who was on the outer hand, let go his 

* See p. 62, note 2. 

' Darú is marked neither by Berthelot in Pedro Barretto de Resende's 
MS., to which I have already so frequently referred, nor by Keith John- 
ston in his Royal Atlas. The Portolano of Fernão Vaz Dourado, de- 
scribed in the Introduction of vol. ii, marks Darú on the western side 
of Sumatra. 

* The parallel account of the shipwreck of Afonso Dalboquerque 
from Corrêa, p. 269, is very graphic : — "Assy vindo, lhe deu hum tempo 
trauessfio tão forte que nom pôde ai fazer senão sorgir, que foy com huma 
ancora grande e huma amarra de rotas, que são canas delgadas mociças, que 
trocem, e fazem d'ellas fortes amarras. E também sorgio Pero d'Alpoym, 
que era â sua vista, que os outros nom parecião, que correrão áuante, 
porque erão mais metidos no mar; mas çarrando a noite, o tempo e o 
mar se tanto aleuantou que foy tromenta desfeita, em tal maneyra 
que conueo ao Governador cortar todos os mastos, porque a nao trabal- 
haua muyto com o mar por proa ; e mandou que todo ficasse amarrado 
à nao, e de todo fizessem jangada, porque a nao se hia ao fundo com a 
bomba que nom podião vencer. Polo que toda a gente se meteo no 
trabalho da jangada fortemente, em que alguns morrerão, porque o mar 
era grande, vendo que nom tinhão outra saluação. E porque a jangada 
se desfazia na nao, então a mandou o Gouernador largar por popa, e 
homens que defendião 'os negros que se hião meter n'ella com trouxas, 
que seus senhores mandauSo meter. O Gouernador mandou meter os 
doentes no batel por popa da jangada, e fallou a toda a gente que elle 
em ciroulas e jaqueta se auia de meter na jangada; que por tanto sou- 
bessem certo que d'outra maneyra ninguém n'ella nom auia d'entrar ; 

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anchor immediately that he heard the cries of the crew and 
understood that the ship was lost, and remained where he 
was all the night long in a fierce gale at the mercy of the 
cable; and when morning broke the boats of the ships 
Trindade and Flor-de-la-Mar having been lost (being staved 
in on board the ships on account of the heavy seas breaking 
over the decks), Afonso Dalboquerque gave the order that 
a raft should be prepared with boards placed upon some 
timbers, and he got upon it, clad in a grey jacket, and 
lashed to the raft with a rope, lest the waves should sweep 

pedindo a Deoe misericórdia das almas, porque das vidas ninguém fizesse 

" Então o Gouernador per huma corda atada pela cinta se deitou no 
esquife, e com elle os homens que couberão, e se foy a jangada em que se 
meteo, e o esquife tornou á nao tantas vezes até que nom fiqou nenhum 
homem portuguez ; e o Gouernador nom consentio na jangada nenhum 
negro, nem negra, que todos deitou ao mar, e ficauão pegados & jangada. 
Estando n'este trabalho, a nao se quebron polo conues em dous pedaços, 
e se foy ao fundo ; em que se perdeo a mor riqueza d'ouro e pidraria que 
nunqua se perdeo em nenhuma parte da índia, nem nunqua perderá. E 
porque a madeira da nao vinha fazer mal na jangada, se aleuantarão, e 
'agoa os foy leuando pêra terra, onde tornarão a sorgir com huma ancora 
que leuaua o batel, e assy estiuerão com as almas nas boquas pedindo 
misericórdia a Deoe, até .que amanheceo, que o vento e mar era menos. 

44 Quando amanheceo, que da nao de Pêro d'Alpoym nom virão a nao do 
Gouernador, e virão a madeira polo mar, a derão por perdida, e a gente 
morta, ou que se fora a terra. Polo que deu a vela, e hindo pêra terra 
ouverão vista da jangada, porque aleuantarão panos nas pontas das 
lanças que meterão na jangada pêra defensão dos negros ; em que a nao 
foy sorgir perto da jangada, que todos bradauão ; * Senhor Deoe, miseri- 
córdia !' As que logo Pêro d'Alpoym mandou o batel, em que se meteo 
o Gouernador com a gente que pôde, e também o batel, com a gente que 
descarregou na nao se tornou á jangada áte que a descarregou ; e todavia 
ouve homens que saluarão muyto ouro derrador de sy. Dom João de 
Lima pôs a sua nao ao pairo, e abrio tanta agoa que correo ao som do 
mar, e pôde fazer caminho porque era muyto afastado da terra, que 
nada soube da perdição da nao do Gouernador, e como o tempo abonan- 
çou, andou com pouqa nela aguardando polo Gouernador, que bem sabia 
que ficaua atrás; e assy andando, d'ahy a dez dias o Gouernador foy ter 
com elle, e seguirão seu caminho pêra Cochym, onde chegarão com 
grande trabalho de bomba, meos perdidos, já em janeiro de 1512." 


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him off, and two mariners with him, who with oars impro- 
vised ont of some pieces of boards rowed the raft : and so 
in this plight, and by these means, and also by help of ropes 
which by Pero Dalpoern's orders were thrown out, tied 
to buckets, with infinite difficulty he reached the ship 

The men who were left in the wreck of the Flor-de-la- 
Mar, seeing themselves already come to the last day of 
their lives, began with loud cries and complaints to shout 
after Afonso Dalboquerque, who was making way on the 
raft, and he, touched with profound pity at the sight of 
them in this sad state of misery, told them not to be 
alarmed, but to put all their trust in our Lord, for he would 
promise them that he would not desert them, even if he 
ventured to lose his own life and the other ship and all her 
company in saving them; and he desired them, in the 
meantime, to construct another raft, for he would come 
back without delay for them. 

While the shipwrecked men were making their raft, the 
junk, which was commanded by Simão Martinz, came up on 
her land-tack, very close to the spot where the remains of 
the Fhr-de-la-Mar were with our men clustering upon them, 
and those on board the junk clearly perceived the plight in 
which they were, and then she tacked again and stood out 
to sea, and they never saw her again. The reason of this 
was, that the Javanese, who were on board this junk, on 
account of the careless conduct of Jorge Nunez de Lião 
(although Afonso Dalboquerque had especially cautioned 
him in this respect, and also because of the severe illness of 
Simão Martinz), rose up in mutiny, and killed all the Portu- 
guese on board, without any escaping, except four mariners 
who took advantage of the confusion of the outbreak and 
got into an almadia, and made their way to Pace, where the 
Governor, who had risen up in rebellion and taken possession 
of the kingdom, received them with hospitality and shewed 

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them great honour, and sent them forward on the way to 
India in a ship which had put in there coming from 
Malaca bound for Ghoramandel; and just as they were 
about to set out, the junk's barge came in crowded with 
Javanese, and they declared that the junk was lost. 

As soon as Afonso Dalboquerque had reached the ship 
Trindade, after a great deal of difficulty — our Lord having 
been pleased to save him miraculously, because, by all 
human reason, on account of the sea running so high, it 
was impossible for him to have been saved, — he remembered 
the promise which he had given to those who were left 
behind on the wreck, and lost no time in commanding Pero 
Dalpoem to set sail so as to get up to them and take them 
on board. But the crew of the ship Trindade, thinking 
more of themselves than of the danger and trouble in which 
their companions were, made many objections and requests 
that he would not order the ship close in to the shore, for 
it was shelving rock, and the wind was very high, and they 
also would be wrecked. 

Afonso Dalboquerque, considering that he could not with 
any sense of duty fail to save those persons who had accom- 
panied him in his labours, would not listen to these mur- 
murings, but rather reprehended the crew for the little 
remembrance which they had of the frequent occasions when 
they had been, protected by these very shipwrecked com- 
panions in the reverses which they had experienced in the 
Malaca enterprise, and determined, at all hazards, to save 
them; and creeping in shore under sail to reach the raft 
which the wrecked crew had put together out of the mast and 
the yard, with all the company of the ship upon it, he saw that 
it was not riding to its cable (some of the mariners declared 
afterwards that the cable had been cut but they did not know 
who it was that did it); and because both wind and sea were 
contrary for the raft to get towards the ship, but drove her 
towards the shore, without those who were on her being able 

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to make any use of the pieces of oars with which they tried 
to row, in order to accomplish that which he had promised 
them he would do, although he had no longer any hopes of 
being able to save them, he ordered the crew to set all the 
sail they possibly could in order to catch up the junk before 
she struck on the coast, and to get ready two anchors so as 
to cast them if need should arise; and he ordered the pilots 
to keep on sounding the bottom with their lead in their 
hands, and, as the turn of the tide was just beginning, 
and the sea filling, in a very short space of time they 
reached the raft, and cast the anchors immediately in three 
and a half fathoms, which was the depth which the ship 
required with proper precautions; and with ropes tied to 
buckets and empty barrels which they let out of the ship, 
they took the junk with great trouble, and when they had 
drawn the people up on board, they remained where they 
were all that night with a great gale blowing behind them, 
trusting in the Lord's mercy, which did not fail them; for, 
just before dawn of day, there sprung up a little land breeze 
which enabled them to draw off and proceed with their 


Of what was lost in the ship Flor-de-la-Mar: and how the Great Afonso 
Dalboquerque, after having collected his people together on the 
ship Trindade, proceeded on his route to Ceilão: and of what took 
place on the voyage until they arrived at Cochim. 

In this ship, Flor-de-la-Mar, and in the junk which 
mutinied against us, there were lost the richest spoils that 
ever were seen since India had been discovered until that 
moment; and besides this, many women who were greatly 
skilled workers in embroidery, and many young girls and 
youths of noble family from all those countries which extend 

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from the Cape of Comorim to the eastward, 1 whom Afonso 
Dalboquerque was carrying to the Queen D. Maria. They 
lost the castles of woodwork, ornamented with brocades, 
which the King of Malaca used to carry upon his elephants, 
and very rich palanquins 2 for his personal use, all plated 
with gold, a marvellous thing to behold, and great store of 
jewellery of good and precious stones which he was carrying 
with him in order to send it as a present to the King D. 
Manuel. And they lost a table with its feet all overlaid 
with plates of gold, which Milrrhao presented to Afonso 
Dalboquerque for the king, when the lands of Goa were 
delivered up to him. For when he arrived at Gochim, with 
the intention of leaving this table with the Factor, who 
could forward it to Portugal, so great was the hurry to 
embark, in order to save the monsoon which was getting 
well forward in its season, that it was forgotten, and then 
he took it with him. And all bur men also lost a great 
quantity of their own things. And this so extensively, 
that of all that was on board, both in the ship and the 
junk, nothing was saved except the sword and crown of 
gold, and the ruby ring which the king of Sião sent to the 
King D. Manuel; but that which Afonso Dalboquerque 
grieved for most of all in this loss was the bracelet 8 which 
had been found upon Naodabegea, for he brought it with 
great estimation in order to send it to the king, because 
the efficacy of it was so very admirable. So also he felt very 
much the loss of the lions, which he brought because they 
were found on certain ancient sepulchres of the kings of 
Malaca, and he took them with the intention of placing 
them on his own tomb in Goa as a memorial of the 
achievement of taking Malaca; and, of all the spoils which 
were then taken, he reserved only these two things (the 

1 Cf. Chapter xxxix, âquem do Ganges, a que 06 Portugueses chamão 
do Cabo do Comorim pêra dentro. s Andores. 

* See p. 62. 

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bracelet and lions) for himself, for as they were of iron they 
were [not] of great value. 1 

In this return journey of crossing over the Indian Ocean 
to Ceilão they would have perished for want of water and 
supplies if Our Lord had not succoured them by means of 
two large Moorish ships which they overtook on the voyage, 
bound from Çamatra and laden with pepper and silk, sandal 
wood and wood aloes. 2 For as soon as Afonso Dalboquerque 

1 Que por serem de ferro eram muito pêra estimar; I am inclined to 
consider that não has dropped out before eram in this passage, in both 

9 Lenholoes; i.e., lignum aloes. Cf. the note on lenhonoe, page 159. 
As very little appears to be now known of the wood-aloes, or Calamba % 
the following note will be read with interest: — " Calauiba, Calambà, ou 
Calarabuco; na 1 Década, f. 17, col. 3, JoSo de Barros lhe chama Lenholoè, 
aonde diz, ' passado este Reyno Camboja, entra outro Reyno Chamado 
Campa, nas montanhas do qual nace o verdadeiro Lenholoè, a que os 
Mouros daquellas partes chamão Calambuc 1 . Com J. de Barros se con- 
forme A Academia Francesa no Diccion. das Artes, p. 90, donde diz que 
os boticários chamão ao Calambà Lignum Aloes. Segundo as noticias 
que me derão Antonio de Mello e Castro, Viso Rey que foy da India, e 
Mauuel Godinho de Sá, Capitão da Nao Milagres, que assistio em Macáo 
32 annos, Calambâ na lingoa da terra, que o produz, vai o mesmo que 
doença da arvore. A rezâo desta nome he, que na Cochinchina, e nos 
Reynos de Champa, e Camboja, ha grandes devezas de arvores, muy 
espesas e enmaranhadas, c metendose entre ellas alguns Gentios prac- 
tices, encontrão huma certa casta de arvores, e às vezes vem alguma 
delias, que se vay murchando, e dizem logo comsigo, ' esta arvore parece 
que tem doença' ; poem na devesa suas balizas, e vindo da hi a alguns 
dias por ellas, achão a tal arvore murcha toda, e cortando-a bem rente 
do chão, achão no âmago da cortadura do tronco, hum como nó, mais 
preto, que, à maneira de cancro, chupou, e chamou a si o sueco e óleo 
da tal arvore, que unido e junto nelle, tem o suave e precioso cheiro, que 
experimentamos, e quanto mais vigor havia na arvore, mais oleoso e 
precioso he o Calambuco ; e se a arvore tinha pouco alento, não ha nella 

o Calambuco prezado, senão secco, e sem óleo, e vai muy pouco o 

ditto Capitão Manoel Godinho provava o Calambà desta maneira. 
Tirava com huma faquinha huma migalhinha deste pao, e a metia na 
boca, e andava com ella entre os dentes, e se ella se-lhe-ajuntava, e 
amassava entre os dentes como cera, tinha-a por boa ; e esse dia andava 
ordinariameute com dores de cabeça, porque lie cousa muito quente, e de 
cheiro muito penetrante ; e desta espécie tem muito pouca a Europa, 

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caught sight of them he gave orders to chase them, and 
took them, and out of their stores he furnished himself 
with provisions and water, which enabled him to make his 
way to Ceilão. And because the Moors declared that the 
ships came from Chaul and from Dabul, he ordered Simão 
Dandrade with a prize party, and Dinis Fernandez to re- 
main on board of them until he could learn the truth of it. 

The Moors who formed the crew of the ship of Chaul, to 
which Sira&o Dandrade was appointed, found out that he 
did not know his latitude, nor yet the course they were 
sailing on, so they steered their course for the Maldive 
Islands, 1 and succeeded in reaching C andaluz 8 (which is the 

porque tem grande preço em Japão, donde dizem, que vai mais de outenta 
mil reis o arrátel. Com este precioso aroma perfumão os Japoens as 
cazas e os vestidos. Usam delle os Chins nos accidentes de Paralysia, e 
na falta dos espíritos vitaes. Feito em pó, e tomado em vinho, ou em 
caldo, corrobora o e&tomago, veda os vómitos, e sara as dysenterias, 
Dizem que a arvore, que o produz, he algum tanto mayor que oliveira, 
com que também se parece. As vezes se achão humas pequenas porcoens 
deste pao nas margens do Ganges, por isso lhe-chamão alguns Lignum 

u Escrevem alguma modernos que também se acha Calambâ, ou Calam - 

buço, nas Ilhas Maldivas os Padres Missionários da Companhia no 

seu livro Summarias noticias da Cochinchina mostráo que ha somente nas 
terras dei Rey da Cochinchina, o qual como faz todos os gastos no desco- 
brimento, tem todo o proveito da conquista. Usam muito os Japoens 
delle para perfumes,' 1 etc. — Bluteau. 

1 Navigators in general are not aware, more particularly those coming 
from Europe, that the whole group of the Maldiva Islands are inhabited 
by a civilised race of people, who carry on a considerable trade with India, 
more particularly Bengal, Ceylon, and the Malabar coast, as also to the 
Red Sea, and are expert sailors. They are an inoffensive, timid people, 
and there appears far less crime among them than with more polished 
nations ; murder is not known among them, nor is theft or drunkenness ; 
being strict Mussulmans, they are forbidden the use of spirituous liquors, 
which could be easily made from the fermented juice of the coco-nut 

- Candaluz; this island is marked (as Camdalus) in the map from the 
Portolano of Fernão Vaz Dourado, a facsimile of which is given in 
yoI. ii, facing chapter i. 

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principal island in this group), and there all the Moors fled 
away from him; and from some Moors of Gananor whom 
Sim&o Dandrade found in that place, he learned that Mafa- 
mede Maçari, 1 a merchant of Cairo was there, and" he was 
one who always maintained the policy of the Rumes with 
the Çamorim, and tried hard to bring them over to India; 
but when Afonso Dalboquerque was in Malaca, out of fear 

tree, which they hare in abundance. The men, in appearance, are of a 
dark copper-colour, rather short, and in person not unlike the natives of 
Ceylon and the Malabar coast, but their language is totally different ; 
their women are not pretty, and are extremely alarmed at the sight of 
strangers. The group consists of a range of innumerable low islands 
and rocks, extending nearly on a meridian line (as shewn in the map re- 
ferred to above) from latitude 7 deg. 6£ min. N. to latitude deg. 42 
min. S. ; the larger islands abound with coco-nut trees, and are generally 
inhabited, but many of the others are only sandbanks or barren rocks. 
The greatest breadth of the range is about twenty leagues, and the 
islands are formed in large groups or clusters, sometimes double, which 
are called by the natives Atolls or AtoUons. These Atolls appear to be 
the summits of submarine coral mountains, rising very abruptly to the 
surface of the sea, and having an almost unfathomable depth of water 
outside of them, but enclosing within the crater-like ridges which bound 
them, banks of soundings of various depths, from ten to thirty or forty 
fathoms. The islands of each Atoll generally lie in a continued chain 
on the barrier ridge which bounds it, although there are many on the in- 
terior banks, which, in addition to the islands, are generally studded 
with rocky patches and banks. There are nineteen Atolls, with several 
detached islands or rocks in the channels that separate them. Although 
these islands have long been thought to present an impenetrable barrier 
of four hundred and seventy meridional miles to ships bound to Ceylon, 
or the southern parts of India, and have consequently been dreaded and 
avoided by modern navigators, yet the early traders from Europe to 
India appear to have been much better acquainted with them than we 
until lately were, and, like Afonso Dalboquerque on his return voyage 
from Malaca to Cochim, often passed through some of the wider and 
safer channels which separate the Atolls, without apprehension of danger, 
llorsburgh, from whose work the above notes are derived, does not men- 
tion any island with a name at all resembling Oandaluz, except Earn- 
doo-doo, the northern island on the western side of the Collomandoo 
Atoll ; whereas the position of Candaluz in Fernão Vaz Dourado's chart 
seems to point to the island now called Cardiva in the Cardiva Channel 
of this group. > See p. 33. 

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which he had, lest, if we gained the victory, the Çamorim 
would deliver him up to Afonso Dalboquerque (for this had 
long been a subject of secret negotiations, but the Çamorim 
had always temporised with it and screened him with lies), 
and dreading lest some day the Çamorim should tell the 
truth about him, he set out from Calicut with three ships 
laden with spiceries, and, having his wife and children and 
all his property on board; and, when he had progressed on 
his voyage as far as Çacotora, sailing close in shore between 
the cape of Guardafum 1 and Magadazo, 8 he encountered so 
fierce a storm that he was driven ashore, and in that tem- 
pest lost two of his ships, and he himself in the one he sailed 
in with his wife and children ran to the Maldive Islands and 
managed to get to Candaluz, and there he capsized his 
ship, but saved some of his spiceries and bought a candura, 
which is a kind of small vessel with which they navigate 
those islands. 

And when the proper season of the year came on, he 
sailed away with the remainder of his spiceries that he had 
managed to save, taking Simão Rangel, whom he had 
bought, and made his way to Calayate, 8 where the candura 
was lost, and from that port he sailed away in a ship bound 
for Ormuz, and got to Aden. 

In this storm many ships were lost which had set out for 
the Straits [of the Bed Sea] while Afonso Dalboquerque 
was at Malaca ; and, on account of this great destruction 
which the Moors of Calicut suffered in their ships because 
they were large ships, and every one that was lost caused 
them to suffer heavily — for they dared not venture to sea 
except in the winter for fear of our fleets, — from that time 
forward they built small vessels, and, rowing them about, 
navigated all the Straits of the Bed Sea. 

When Afonso Dalboquerque, after his arrival at Cochim, 

1 See map, vol. i, p. 80. ' See chapter vii, and vol. i, p. 45. 

3 See vol. i, p. 62. 

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learned that Mafamede Maçari had visited the islands, he 
felt his unfortunate shipwreck much more, for he had 
come with the determination of sweeping through them with 
his squadron and keeping on the conrse used by the Moors 
in their navigation of these islands ; and so it might have 
turned out that he would have fallen into the hands of the 
Portuguese with all his property, and this was what Afonso 
Dalboquerque was very desirous of happening. 

Simão Rangel was a very honourable man, a servant of 
the King D. Manuel, and Afonso Dalboquerque had made 
use of his assistance in many matters because he was a man 
who knew how to perform everything very well; and when 
he was at Cochim — Afonso Dalboquerque being at Malaca — 
he and some of the others began to disagree about some 
proceedings done by Lourenço Moreno, Antonio Real, and 
Diogo Pereira to the disservice of the king, so they sent 
him in a catur to Goa, and on the voyage the par aos of 
Calicut took him captive. And this Mafamede Maçari 
bought him and took him with him, whereat Afonso Dal- 
boquerque was very much annoyed and desired to punish 
Lourenço Moreno, who was the Factor; but, as all were to 
blame, he left the matter alone, and wrote to the King Dom 
Manuel of all that they had done while he was in Malaca, 
and of the carelessness they had been guility of in failing to 
victual Goa when it was besieged. 


How the great Afonso Dalboquerque reached Cochim ; and of the news 
which they gave him concerning Goa, and of the coming of the 
Rumes, and of the fleet which arrived from Portugal 

As soon as the great Afonso Dalboquerque reached Cochim, 
inasmuch as up to that moment there was no news of him 
nor of the events which had taken place at Malaca, there 

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was a great excitement and all were filled with pleasure, for 
at his arrival the Moors of India abated in some degree the 
excitement they had fallen into at the news of the coming of 
the Rumes. And Lourenço Moreno, Antonio Real, and 
Diogo Pereira became very much ashamed of themselves 
for having written to the King D. Manuel, and set on foot 
throughout India a rumour that Afonso Dalboquerque was 
lost, and all his fleet with him ; although this great captain 
was so much dreaded by the Moors, and such authority was 
attached to his person among them, that by means of his 
presence only, frustrated as he was, wrecked, and clad in 
the same grey jacket which he was saved in at the wreck, 
the mere knowledge that he had returned to India, made all 
the kings of that land disband and withdraw from that con- 
spiracy which they had set on foot against the Portuguese. 
And Afonso Dalboquerque disembarked on the very day 
of his arrival, and from the dock where the captain stood 
with all his company ready to receive him, they took him 
up under a brocaded canopy to the church, the vicar of it 
standing at the door with the reliques awaiting his coming ; 
and, after prayer made, and many thanks given to our Lord 
for having delivered him from the perils which he had 
passed through, he went to the fortress accompanied by 
every one, and after giving them a great reception he took 
his leave of them at the gate, and remained behind alone 
with the captain and the king's officers. And after having 
given them an account of the doings at Malaca, and of what 
had taken place during his voyage, he asked them concern- 
ing the king's property and the ships which had sailed away 
laden with Oriental produce to Portugal that year. For, 
although military affairs occupied much of his thoughts, yet 
he never wanted time to look after the property of the king. 
And when he inquired after the state of affairs at Goa — for 
this was the matter which occupied the chief position in his 
thoughts even while he was at Malaca — they related to him 

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how during all that winter the city had been besieged by 
three captains of the Hidalcão with a large army, and they 
showed him all the hardships which the siege had brought 
npon our people, both by war and by famine, and that they 
were" quite undone from the fact that a considerable length 
of their wall had fallen from the severity of the winter; they 
told him, too, that the Captain and Manuel da Cunha were 

Afonso Dalboquerque felt these deaths very keenly; that 
of Rodrigo Rabelo because he was a brave cavalier, and that 
of Manuel da Cunha because he was not on very good terms 
of intercourse with his father Trist&o da Cunha on account of 
the disagreements which arose between them respecting 
his journey when they went to India ; and whereas there was 
nothing which he felt so earnestly as the safety of Goa, he 
sent off a catur without delay, carrying a message to Diogo 
Mendez, with an account of his coming ; and he wrote to 
the judges and aldermen 1 of the pleasure it would give him 
to revisit them, and that he was getting himself in readiness 
to be with them immediately, and that he relied upon God's 
mercy to give him a good revenge upon the Turks of 
Benastarim, and he sent them a warrant for Manuel de 
Lacerda to be captain of the city, and Duarte de Melo chief 
captain of the sea until his own arrival. 

As soon as the arrival of Afonso Dalboquerque was known 
in Goa, there was general rejoicing throughout the city, and 
a great ringing of bells and firing of salutes, for every one 
looked npon himself as redeemed from death. When the 
catur had sailed off, there arrived a message from Diogo 
Corrêa, Captain of Cananor, to report that the merchants 
brought news that a great fleet of Rumes had set sail from 
Suez, coming to help the Hidalc&o against Goa, and this 
had been prepared as soon as it became known that Afonso 
Dalboquerque had sailed away to Malaca. When he heard 

1 Vereadores. 

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this, Afonso Dalboquerque became very unhappy, because 
he had a very small fleet which would serve for going in 
search of them, as he had originally intended j 1 and while 
affairs were in this condition, and he himself undecided 
which undertaking he should enter upon first (viz., the relief 
of Goa or attack on the Eumes), on the 20th day of August, 
in the year [fifteen hundred and] twelve, D. Garcia de No- 
ronha, who had set out in the preceding year with six ships, 
and wintered at Mozambique, arrived ; 2 and Jorge de Melo 

1 See p. 55. 

* This expedition and its results are thus briefly tabulated in the 
«Armada da India", Brit. Mus., Add. MS. 20902, f. 14 :— 
" Dom Gracia de Noronha Oappitam mor. 

" Anno de 1511. 
" 6 nads a 25 de Março, e a 8 de Abril. 

" Dom Gracia de Noronha Capitão mor de seis nãos, partio a vinte 
cinco de Março: Capitães Dom Ayres da Gama, Fero Mascarenhas, 
Ghristouão de Brito, Jorge de Brito, Manoel de Castro Alcoforado : Foy 
Capitão mor de mar Dom Gracia de Noronha, e destas seis Nãos so três 
passarão a índia, £ a Nao de Jorge de Brito descobrio o penedo de São 

" Neste anno tomou Âffonso de Albuquerque Malaca, eem Agosto fez 
a fortaleza, de que foy o primeiro Capitão Ruy de Brito Patalim, a que 
pos nome " Nossa Senhora da Assumpção. 11 

" Pedro Mascarenhas foy na nâo Santa Eufemia, Jorge de Brito em 
Santa Maria da Luz, Manoel de Castro Alcoforado em S, Pedro, Christo- 
vam de Brito em Santa Maria de Belém, D. Ayres da Grama em Santa 
Maria da Piedade. 

" Destas seis naôs sò três passaram à índia, a saber as duas de Christo- 
vam de Brito, e D. Aires da Gama, que partirão deste Reino doze dias 
depois do Cappitam môr, e Pedro Mascarenhas, que o mesmo Cappitam 
mor mandou de Moçambique (aonde chegou com muito trabalho) à índia 
para tirar de confuzam aos que nella estavSo com sua chegada. 

" Successo. — Seguindo Dom Gracia sua viagem, e nam podendo do- 
brar o Cabo de 8*°. Agostinho, quiz o seu Piloto fazeree na volta de Guiné 
para tomar outra mais larga sobre o mesmo Cabo, na qual travessa se 
ouvera de perder em hum penedo, que acharam no meyo daquelle Golfão, 
no qual de noute foy dar a nâo S. Pedro, Cappitam Jorge de Brito, que 
fez farol as outras, que vinham na sua esteira, por razam do qual perigo, 
e do nome da nao, que deu no penedo, elle ouve o que hoje tem de S. 

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Pereira, who had set sail that year from the kingdom ot 
Portugal, as chief Captain of eight ships, 1 with a large body 
of men on board, whom the King D. Manuel sent in con- 
sequence of his belief that Afonso Dalboquerque was lost, 

1 The expedition here referred to, is thus tabulated in the " Armada 
da India", Brit. Mus., Add. MS. 20902, f. 15 :— 

44 Jorge de Mello Pereira Capitam môr de outo nãos, e 
Gracia de Sousa Capitam môr de quatro nãos, que 
fazem as 12 em duas Capitanias. 
"Anno de 1512. 
" 12 velas a 25 de Março partiu a mayor parte delias. 

" Jorge de Mello Pereira Capitão moor de oito nãos, e Capitão môr 
Gracia de Sousa das outras quatro: partio a Vinte e cinco de março: 
Capitães Jorge de Albuquerque, Gonçalo Pereira, Loppo Vaz de Sam- 
payo, Gaspar Pereira, Dom João d'Eca, Jorge da Silueira, Simão de 
Mirada, Francisco Nogueira, Antonio Raposo de Beja, Pêro de Albu- 
querque; A Nao de Francisco Nogueira se perdeo nos baixos de Angoya, 
E saluouse a gente. 

44 Jorge de Albuquerque filho do João de Albuquerque na Nao Nazaré 
= Gonçalo Pereira filho de Gonçalo Pereira na Conceição = Jorge da 
Silveira no Botafogo = Simam de Miranda nas Virtudes = D. Jofio d'Eca, 
ou de Sa (como diz outra Relação) na Magdalena = Francisco Nogueira 
em S. Antonio perdido = Loppo Vaz de Sampayo em Santa Cruz = Pêro 
de Albuquerque filho de Jorge de Albuquerque na Basliana = Antonio 

Raposo de Beja em , Gaspar Pereira que era para servir de secretario 

de Alfonso de Albuquerque, como o tinha sido de Dom Francisco de 
Almeida, na nao Sajito Antonio o Grande. 

44 Neste anno se fez a fortaleza de Calicut a que se pos nome N. Sen- 
hora da Conceição, de que foy primeiro Capitão Francisco Nogueira. 

44 Successes. — A nao Santo Antonio, Capitam Francisco Nogueira, se 
perdeu nos baixos de Angoxa, onde morreo quasi toda a gente, e elle por 
nam saber nadar se deixou ficar com dous filhos seus sobre o que appare- 
cia da naô, e na baxamar esprayou tanto que a pé enxuto se recolheu a 
huma das lalas de Angoxa, onde os Mouros o tomarfio, e depois derâo 
pelo seu Xeque, que Antonio de Saldanha cativou, quando foy vingar as 
mortes que os Mouros daquellas Ilhas tinham dado a alguns dos nossos, 
que a ellas f orão buscar mantimentos. 

44 No Mesmo anno de 1512 
44 1 Navio a 13 de Julho. 

44 A 18 de Julho partio hum Cavaleiro por nome João Chan oca em 
hum navio a buscar a carga da Naô Galega, que, por nam estar para 
navegar, descarregou cm Moçambique." 

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and the invasion, of the Euraes certain to take place, in 
accordance with that which Lourenço Moreno and Antonio 
Real had written to him from India. 

And at the arrival of these two fleets Afonso Dalbo- 
querque became very greatly pleased, and returned many 
thanks to our Lord that this had fallen out at that very 
time, and much more was he pleased at the arrival of his 
nephew D. Garcia, as well on account of the good qualities 
of his person, as also because he would help him in the 
Indian troubles which grew heavier every day, and the 
King D. Manuel wrote that he ordered him to be Chief 
Captain of that fleet, and if there should arise any neces- 
sity of his presence to assist Afonso Dalboquerque, then he 
was to remain in India as Chief Captain of the Sea; and 
because Lorenço Moreno, Antonio Real, and Diogo Pereira, 
had written to the King D. Manuel, showing how Goa wa» 
besieged, and declaring the little need there was of the 
position, severely censuring Afonso Dalboquerque's wishes 
to maintain that city, for they thought that thus they would 
be revenged upon him for his reprehensions of their vices, 
and the malpractices of which they had been guilty in their 
offices, against the service of the King ; therefore, in view 
of this information the King wrote to Afonso Dalboquerque 
that it would please him very much that he should discuss 
this question [of retaining possession of Goa] with his cap- 
tains and officers ; and if it should be universally admitted 
advisable to withdraw from Goa, then he was to destroy it, 
yet he never would be blind to the fact that Afonso Dalbo- 
querque had on two occasions gained it from the Moors with 
so great a labour and personal risk, for by so doing he had 
done him great service. 

Afonso Dalboquerque, perceiving that all this was 
prompted by Duarte de Lemos and Gonçalo de Sequeira, 
who, being ashamed at not having been with him at the 
taking of that city, seized this opportunity of screening 

VOL. III. p 

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themselves, put off for a time this business, without men- 
tioning it to any one, and when the attack upon Benas- 
tarim was accomplished he did what the King ordered him 
to do, as will be related hereafter. 


How the great Afonso Dalboquerque set out from Cochim with the in- 
tention of going in search of the Rumes ; and how he proceeded to 
besiege the fortress of Benastarim. 

At the receipt of this intelligence of the coming of the 
fleet of the Rumes, the great Afonso Dalboquerque hastened 
on his departure more rapidly ; and, although his fleet was 
not so great as to be able to resist the power which it was 
reported the Rumes were bringing, because the principal 
ships that were in India — and of which he could avail him- 
self — were found to be in a very decayed condition when he 
arrived from his voyage to Malaca, on account of the care- 
lessness which the King's officers, who were stationed at 
Cochim, had shewn in looking after them; nevertheless, 
buoyed up by the hope which he had of Our Lord's assist- 
ance, he set out for Goa on the tenth of September, in the 
year [fifteen hundred and] twelve, with a fleet of sixteen 
sail, and four which he was to take up at Goa, with the in- 
tention of going in search of the Rumes; but when he 
reaohed Oananor, somewhat late on account of the adverse 
state of the wind, he found the report of the coming of the 
Rumes looked upon as somewhat uncertain, and hereupon 
he sent two of the ships from among those which had 
come from Portugal and accompanied him thither, to re- 
turn to Cochim and take in their cargo ; and then he set 
sail from Cananor, and sailed over the bar of Goa, with de- 
termination of putting his hands upon the Captains of the 
Hidalc&o who were in Benastarim ; and by means of some 

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Moors whom he captured in a ship which came from Adem, 
he was informed that no fleet of the Barnes wonld come to 
India during that year, for it was reported that they in- 
tended first of all to take Adem and so secure the coun- 
tries along the Straits [of the Bed Sea], in order that our 
fleet might not be able to navigate there. 

Haying therefore cast anchor on the bar, Afonso Dalbo- 
querque declared to the Captains that he had made up his 
mind to go up against Benastarim before the Hidalc&o could 
know of his arrival, while they went to the city with all 
their fleet, for he desired to make for Old Goa, in order to 
forestall the pass over the sea before the Hidalc&o could be- 
siege it by land ; and although the peril was considerable, 
he was determined to force a way through the artillery of 
the Turks, and isolate them in such a manner that no suc- 
cour could possibly reach them, for the river had sufficient 
depth of water in it for the ships to draw up quite close to 
the fortress, and even to ram the bulwarks. 

As soon as this had been arranged, Afonso Dalboquerque 
gave orders for the disembarkation of all the men-at-arms 
who were on board the vessels, for they were to accompany 
him, and in their place he shipped a hundred mariners and 
bombardiers picked out of the whole fleet, and furnished 
them with the best artillery he had, and plenty of powder 
and shot, and appointed to the captainship over them Tris- 
tão de Miranda, of the ship S. Pedro ; Pero de Afonseca, of 
the Sancta Maria da Ajuda, i.e., Saint Mary of the Aid ; 
Vicente Dalboquerque, of the small Ajuda; Antonio Baposo, 
of the ship Ferros, 1 i.e., Irons; Garcia de Sousa, of a Malabar 
ship ;* and Aires da Silva, of the ship Rosairo, i.e., Rosary, 
whom he made chief captain of all these ships, and Afonso 
Dalboquerque himself went in a eatur. When all was in 

1 This was one of the ships brought by Jorge de Mello in the 1512 
fleet from Portugal. 
* Garcia de Sousa had commanded the São Gião in the above fleet. 


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readiness, lie commanded D. Garcia [de Noronha] to make his 
way with the rest of the whole fleet to Qoa, and get ready 
against his arrival all the things that were necessary to pro- 
ceed by land to Benastarim, and not to allow any one of the 
inhabitants of the city to go forth without his special permis- 
sion; and then he himself set sail and made good his entrance 
into Old Goa; and as soon as he reached in front of the fortress 
of Benastarim he sent word to Tristão de Miranda to stand 
in with his ship 8. Pedro until he was at the distance of a 
gun-shot from the fortress, while he himself with the other 
captains of these ships would follow him up, and there they 
all remained until the artillery of the Turks somewhat 
abated from the fury with which they had begun their fire. 

When our men had lost their fear and alarm at the con- 
tinued firing of the enemy, Afonso Dalboquerque com- 
manded the Captains to draw yet a little nearer with their 
ships, and Garcia de Sousa to lay his ship athwart between 
the fleet and the fortress, for it was a very large vessel, and 
would serve in that position as a shelter for the other ves- 
sels. But the Turks, who were not altogether pleased at 
the proximity of our ships to them, fired so many shots at 
them, and so furiously, that they swept clean across the 
decks. And as our men were just in the line of fire of a 
basilisk, 1 which the Turks had mounted upon a rampart 
flush with the water-line, Afonso Dalboquerque made ready 
a barge with a gunmetal camel, 2 and ordered his Constable 
to take six bombardiers and go by night and anchor it close 
to the Turkish bulwarks in front of their guns, and try their 
best to silence the basilisk. 

The Constable was so brave a soldier that, without the 
least fear of the danger he ran, carried out the orders which 
Afonso Dalboquerque had given him, and when morning 

1 Bazalisco; an ancient kind of cannon, of large calibre, and very 
long, carrying a ball of a hundred and sixty pounds weight. 
* Camelo ; see vol. i, p, 73. 

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broke he began to fire the camel with round shot, and it was 
Our Lord's will that one of the shots struck the basilisk on 
the mouth and broke it, and killed two of the renegade 
bombardiers, one of whom was a Gallician, the other a Cas- 
tilian, who had fled away at the first entry of the Portuguese 
into Goa and gone over to the Moors. 

Aires da Silva, who found himself in the line of the 
basilisk, ordered his ship to be hauled more forward, but 
the mariners managed these operations so badly that they 
ran the ship athwart the enemy's guns. And the Turks, 
perceiving the embarrassed state of our men, fired at them 
with so many guns broadside that they almost dashed them 
to pieces; and it happened that one of the shots went through 
the ship's prow, and striking three barrels of powder that 
were in that place they blew up, and part of the hatchways, 
the castles, and the deck were destroyed, and two planks 
close upon the water-line were blown off, although no other 
casualty occurred among the crew beyond the burning of 
three cabin boys, but the crew were so alarmed that they 
all jumped overboard, and Aires da Silva was left alone in 
the ship. When the Turks beheld the misfortune of our 
men they raised a great shout and blew their trumpets. 

But Afonso Dalboquerque, when he saw Aires da Silva in 
this predicament, got into a skiff with four men, and under 
the fire of the Turks he got up to the ship and called out to 
the crew who were swimming away to return to him, re- 
proaching them with leaving him thns unprotected, and 
using towards them words of reprehension for deserting 
their captain in so shameful a manner. And when the 
mariners saw him in his skiff passing along under fire in 
front of so many guns, they grew ashamed of what they had 
done, and took courage and turned back again to the ship; 
while he, although the guns of the enemy did not cease to 
fire, called out to his mate, who was coming on in a boat, 
to go and haul at the poop of the ship so as to draw her off 

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from the guns' mouths ; and as soon as the ship had thus 
been hauled off, he ordered a number of caulkers, with hides 
and all other necessaries, to go to the ship and cover over 
the holes made by the explosion on the water line. 

While the caulkers were thus occupied, Aires da Silva 
with the mariners baled out all the water which the ship 
had made; but, as the repairs could not be finished on that 
day, so soon as night came on Afonso Dalboquerque gave 
orders to draw off, And that Tristão de Miranda should cause 
the ship S. Pedro to be hauled in front of the small ships, 
and the latter at nightfall ordered his cables to be strength- 
ened, because in the daytime not a boat dared venture out 

When the Turks saw the ship they began at once to fire 
a very large gun at her, and at the very first shots swept 
her decks clean from one side to the other. And although 
our men underwent danger with considerable risk of their 
lives, yet the Turks did not get off easily, for our artillery 
had killed a great many of their men and many horses 
inside the fortress, and had thrown down all the wall in such 
a manner that Roçalcão and his captains dared not go into 
the keep because of the danger of going along towards it, 
and he ordered his men to repair during the night the wall 
which our artillery knocked down during the day. 



How the great Afonso Dalboquerque ordered the stockade, wherewith 
the Turks had surrounded the fortress in order that our ships should 
not go inside, to be pulled up ; and how he went to the city after 
having put them inside, and what further took place. 

While affairs were thus situated the great Afonso Dalbo- 
querque, in order to completely cut off all chance of the 
Turks receiving their wished-for reinforcements, sent a 
message to D. Garcia de Noronha that he should send him 

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two small ships and a barge with their arrombadas 1 very 
strong, and artillery, and order them to pass through the 
shallow pass, 2 in order thereby to assault the fortress upon 
that side ; and he was to have in readiness many waggons 
laden with cannon balls, and gunpowder, and many man- 
telets, benches, 8 gabions, 4 pickaxes, and large and small 
artillery on carriages, and everything else that was needed 
to attack the fortress by sea and by land, and the captains 
of the trained-bands to have their men ready, for as soon as 
he had the ships within the stockade he would be with him. 
At receipt of this message Dom Garcia ordered his ships 
to be made ready, with their arrombadas made of coco-nut 
fibre 5 and barrels, and the barge to be prepared and fur- 

1 Arrombadas; cables lashed round a heavily laden ship, with empty 
barrels on the water's edge, to give additional buoyancy in shallow places. 

8 Passo seco. The city of Goa had no walls of its own, though at the time 
when Linschoten and others visited it the ancient walls existed, but with- 
out gates. It was protected not only by the fortifications raised for the 
defence of the harbour, but also by the long wall covering chiefly the 
eastern side of the island. This began with a fort in the north-east 
part of the island at Daugim, and extending from that point to the 
church of São Braz, was joined there to an old Muhammadan fort 
which had been rebuilt by the Portuguese ; thence it proceeded to 
Benastarim, where it met the fortress of São Thiago. It then took a 
southern direction to the fort of Mangueiral, and thence to that of S. João 
Baptista. This wall had three principal gates, at which sentinels kept 
watch day and night, and as people passed through them in crossing over 
to the Muhammadan territory on the mainland, they were called passos. 
They corresponded with the three forts abovementioned — the passo of 
Daugim, to the north-east ; the passo secco, shallow pass, or ford of São 
Braz, to the east ; and that of Benastarim to the south-east. This last 
was most frequented by the people, especially as articles of daily con- 
sumption were carried through it from the mainland to the city. — J. N. 
da Fonseca, Sketch o/ Goa. Bombay, 1878, p. 153. See also the coloured 
plan of Goa in MS. Sloan. 5027a, folio 52. 

3 Bancos de pinchar ; an heraldic term, explained by Bluteau. Here 
it appears to signify a three-legged stool or bench used in storming 
operations. * Cestos. 

* Com suas arrombadas de cairo e de pipas. Cairo is the outer or 
fibrous shell of the coco-nut, with which in the Maldive Islands, and 
other parts of India, all ships 1 cordage and riggiog is made. 

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nished with a large gun ; and he conferred the captaincies 
of these ships upon Fernão Gomez de Lemos and Antonio 
de Matos, and that of the barge upon João Gomez ; and as 
soon as they were ready they proceeded on their way up the 
river, and when they tried to pass over the shallow pass, the 
ship which Antonio de Matos commanded, being larger than 
the others, took the ground, and it was necessary to remove 
from her the arrombadas with which she was supported in 
order to pass over, and because the weight of the artillery 
which she carried upon her deck was very great the ship 
canted over and capsized. - 

Nevertheless, Fernão Gomez de Lemos and João Gomez 
passed over, and on arriving at the fortress fixed imme- 
diately upon a bulwark which was on that side, and berthed 
themselves so close to it that the Turks from the top of it 
shot some of their crew with matchlocks and with arrows, 
and swept the vessels through and through with their guns; 
but, notwithstanding this, like men of courage they stuck 
to their post and would not quit it. And when Roçalcão 
saw that an attack was made upon him on that quarter also, 
he issued immediate orders that four large guns should be 
conveyed to that part of the fortifications ; and in the lower 
part of the curtain of the wall, and above also, he com- 
manded that guns should be placed, and by these means he 
shot through our ships from one side to the other, but our 
party, with all this danger, did not fail to pay him out for it 
in the same coin. 1 

And when Afonso Dalboquerque had made sure that no 
reinforcement could possibly reach the enemy from that 
quarter, either of troops or supplies, he made up his mind 
to pull up a stockade with which the Moors had encircled 
the fortress, and to berth the ships inside the space in order 
to have their decks flush with the walls, and ordered Tristão 
de Miranda and Aires da Silva, who were with him in the 
1 Não deixavam de lho pagar na mesma moeda. 

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ship, because the ship of the latter captain remained out- 
side for the reasons already shewn, to drive the ship S. 
Pedro against the palisades in order to overthrow them, 
and so make a large hole through which they could get in, 
for that which the Moors had left for convenience of getting 
to the fortress was very narrow. And behind these he sent 
Pero de Afonseca, Antonio Kaposo, and Vicente Dalbo- 
querque to do likewise; and all the while that these captains 
were running their ships with great courage close up to the 
stockade it was not without great risk, for they were well 
plied with the enemy's artillery, arrows, and gunshot. And, 
as soon as night fell, Afonso Dalboquerque went up to them, 
and thus they destroyed a large quantity of the stockade. 

When this had been accomplished he commanded Tristão 
de Miranda to lay out an anchor beyond the palisades and 
haul in the ship 8. Pedro upon the cable as far up inside 
the space thus thrown open as he could, and the other ships 
to follow after. And as soon as the Turks perceived that 
our side were occupied by night with getting the ships into 
positions inside the stockade, they threw down burning 
trusses of straw to the foot of the wall, and taking aim at 
onr men by means of the bright light thus afforded, fired 
their guns at them; and our men being now opposite to the 
very mouths of the guns, and Afonso Dalboquerque running 
great risk in the skiff which he used, the captains begged 
him earnestly to withdraw outside the palisade, because in 
thus exposing himself to danger the whole of the enterprise 
might be put in jeopardy ; for he ought to take rest, they 
said, while they carried out in the best and bravest possible 
manner the undertaking which he had appointed them 
to do. 

But Afonso Dalboquerqne, with his accustomed invincible 
spirit, replied that he could not remain at rest while he saw 
them in their present dangerous position, but they must do 
what he had ordered, for he did not intend to leave them 

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without knowing in what condition they were left. And 
when he had got the ships inside the stockade all ranged 
in order so as to attack the fortress, he retired outside 
with the intention of going to the city to make ready to 
bring up a reinforcement by land, and, as he withdrew, the 
enemy picked off two of the black men who were rowing in 
his skiff; and when he got outside he made his way to the 
paráo, and from it despatched two Canarese peons to go to 
the mainland and take captive some one who could speak 
the native tongue and give news of the Hidalcfto; so they 
went and caught two Moors who were coming to the fortress 
of Benastarim, and from them he learned that Içufularij 1 
was on the march with two thousand men to relieve the 
fortress, and that within the fortress there was a com- 
bined force of about six thousand Turks, Rumes, and Cora- 
cones, and of the other troops there were about three thou- 
sand, including a hundred musketeers and three hundred 

On hearing this news, Afonso Dalboquerque appointed 
Aires da Silva chief captain of the ships, and attached to 
his service a jparáo to act as a tender for supplying water 
and necessary provisions, and told him to attack the for- 
tress on the side of the sea with his forces directly that he 
(Afonso) fell upon them on the land side. And having' 
arranged this plan he set sail for the city in the catur which 
had brought him. This operation went on for eight days 
and eight nights, and, during the whole of the time, the 
Turks never ceased firing their artillery, whereby our ships 
were well riddled because they were close to the ramparts, 
and in the direct line of the guns. And our people who 
were engaged in this enterprise used to say that, during 
these eight days, the Turks fired more than four thousand 
times at them with guns of large bore, beside the smaller 

1 This is probably the Portuguese rendering of the Arabic name 
Yusuf-ul-Araj ; i.e., " Yusuf the Lame". 

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shot, and from the top of the wall used to fire at them with 
arrows and matchlocks, whereby they wounded a great many 
of oar men. The masts, yards, and shrouds of the ships 
were so thickly covered with arrows which had stuck into 
them that it was a terrible thing to behold them. 

Tristão de Miranda and Vicente Dalboquerque, although 
at this time they were but youths, bore themselves very 
bravely in those days, and became so stunned with the 
continual roar of the Turkish artillery and our own (for 
their ships were in the vanguard all through the affair), 
that for a long time afterwards they could not hear any- 
thing. Aires da Silva, also, on his part, performed the 
deeds of a very valiant cavalier; and the accident which 
happened to his ship was owing to the fact that he thought 
little of warps and of kedges, 1 but only cared to be the first 
of all to make an end of anything, for he did not know what 
fear was. And after Afonso Dalboquerque had departed 
for the city, Aires da Silva, learning that on the other side 
of the mainland a caravan of draught oxen had arrived with 
a supply of provisions for the fortress, started one night 
with the men he had with him in his ships, and fell upon 
them and burnt their houses, and killed a great number of 
the Moors, and captured all the provisions, and those who 
were left alive took to flight. Pero de Afonseca and Antonio 
Raposo also on their part fought with great bravery, and 
without any fear of the enemy's guns laid out their anchors. 

As for this enterprise thus taken in hand with so many 
guns and so many of the enemy's forces in a fortress, I do 
not believe there was ever seen or heard such another in 
those parts of the world, for very often Afonso Dalboquerque 
used to chide our men for not considering the risks in 
which they placed themselves, both body and life, for the 
ships were so battered all over by the artillery of the Turks, 
that there was not a place left in which they could have 
1 Nunca curou de rageira* nem de proizes. 

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secured themselves, had it not been our Lord's will to pre- 
serve them in that peril 


How the great Afonso Dalboquerque arrived at the city [of Goa], and 
of the great reception with which the inhabitants met him, and of 
the rest which passed with the Turks. 

After that the great Afonso Dalboquerque had succeeded 
in cutting off the Turks who were in the fortress from any 
succour which could have reached them, he made his way 
by water to Goa in the catur which had brought him to the 
fortress; and when he had reached the quay — seeing that 
this was the first time that he had entered the city since 
his return from Malaca — the inhabitants came down to 
receive him at the gate of Saint Catherine, where his dis- 
embarking was conducted in the following manner, 

D. Garcia de Noronha, with all the crews of the fleet; 
Manuel de Lacerda, captain of the city, with all the Fidalgoes 
who inhabited it; and Pêro Mascarenhas, with the trained 
bands; and the judges and aldermen, and the rest of the 
native population in their company. And they had pre- 
pared for him a young mare, on which he was to ride, with 
a caparison of brocade, and stirrups, and all the rest of 
the housings of very finely chased silver, and a canopy 
of brocade, which the aldermen of the city were to carry; 
and, on arrival at the gate, they made him an oration, the 
substance of which was the great delight that all had felt 
at his return, and their joy at the victory which our Lord 
had given him against the power of the king of Malaca, 

And when the harangne was finished, Manuel de Lacerda 
drew near and delivered up to him the keys of the fortress. 
And after all these ceremonies had been performed, Afonso 
Dalboquerque spoke to all present with great love and kind- 

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ness, and, riding upon the young mare, which they had pro- 
vided for his use, surrounded by all his retinue, he began his 
procession direct to the church, all going in front of him on 
foot; and, while he was yet in the middle of the way, the 
clergy came to receive him with a cross raised up aloft, and 
no sooner did Afonso Dalboquerqne perceive it, than he got 
down off his horse, and, falling down on his knees before 
the cross, he declared to those who carried the canopy that 
they ought rather to take the cross under it, for such an 
honour ought not to be shown to anything except that 
cross, whioh resembled the one upon which our Lord had 
suffered, and in this manner they all followed after it up to 
the church. And when the sermon was ended, Afonso 
Dalboqnerque again mounted upon the young mare, and 
attended by the canopy, made his way to the palace of the 
Çabayo, wherein he lodged, and immediately began to 
attend to the affairs which were necessary in order to go by 
land against Benastarim. 

And when he was ready to set forth, with the determina- 
tion of conducting a vigorous storm against the fortress, 
and so making a broad passage way whereby a body of 
soldiers might enter, news was brought to inform him that 
Roçalcão had quitted the fortress and was on his way, march- 
ing with a large force of infantry and cavalry in order of 
battle to challenge the city. And Afonso Dalboquerque, as 
soon as he received this intelligence, ordered Manuel de 
Lacerda» captain of the city, to be mounted by break of day 
— for it was then night — and Pêro Mascarenhas, Antonio de 
Saldanha, João Machado, Fernão Caldeira, Manuel Fer- 
nandez, João Cabeceira, Lourenço Prego, and Diogo Fer- 
nandez the Adail, 1 to go with him, and reconnoitre the 

On the following day, early in the morning, these went 
out by the gate, and proceeded to the heights over a valley 
1 See vol. ii, p. 187. 

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where Boçalcfto was bivouacing with his forces; and as 
soon as Manuel de Lacerda caught sight of the enemy he 
sent word to Afonso Dalboquerque of the position occupied 
by Boçalcfto, and that the probable number of the enemy 
were estimated at three thousand men.* At receipt of this 
intelligence, Afonso Dalboquerque commanded a sally by 
Buy Gonçalvez and João Fidalgo, with three hundred men 
of the train-bands, crossbowmen, and musketeers, and 
some with pikes, to go along the direct path and unite 
themselves with Manuel de Lacerda by way of reinforce- 
ment; and behind these he sent thirty more mounted men, 
with a message to Mannel de Lacerda to maintain his posi- 
tion, supporting the trained band, but not to engage in 
battle with the Turks ; and, if he observed that they were 
determined to fight, then he was to send him word. 

When Boçalcfto perceived that our men were few in num- 
bers, he came on with his men in battle array. But Manuel 
de Lacerda remained where he was, and would not fight 
with him. Then Boçalcfto, seeing how determined onr men 
were, halted, and dared not advance any nearer upon them. 
And while the two were in this position, João Machado 
was running to the city, and he told Afonso Dalboquerque 
how Boçalcfto was on the point of offering battle, and it was 
for him (Afonso) to say what he desired to be done. And 
at this news he summoned all the captains and narrated to 
them the state of affairs. And as soon as João Machado 
began to affirm that Boçalcfto was desirous of fighting, the 
opinion of all was that the Portuguese ought to sally out in 
a body with all their men, and go and fight him. 

Afonso Dalboquerque replied to them that since they had 
decided already to go and attack the fortress by land, as 
they had already blockaded it by sea, and to cast the Turks 
out of it, it did not seem to him to be good counsel to go 
about all over the country skirmishing about with the 
Moors, but rather they ought to seek the victorious con- 

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elusion of their undertaking with hearty good will, for the 
Moors were good archers, and their soldiers always in open 
order, and lightly armed, and could close up and open out 
their ranks whenever they thought fit, whereas our men 
oould not do so, for they were all heavily armed, and far 
too much encumbered to manoeuvre in skirmishing order 
with the Turks in the field ; but over and above all these 
objections, they all again affirmed that he ought to sally out 
and fight the Turks. 

Thereupon, Afonso Dalboquerque finding himself com- 
pelled by the weight of this counsel, ordered the advanpe 
to be sounded, and the gates opened, and he sallied out into 
the open country with the whole of his forces, having divided 
it into three companies. 

In the van (b) 1 he sent Pêro Mascarenhas, with orders to 
unite with Buy Gonçalves and João Fidalgo, and to take 
charge of the train-bands. And in the main body (c) D. Gar- 
cia [de Noronha], accompanied by Pero Dalboquerque, Lopo 
Vaz de Sampayo, 9 Antonio de Saldanha, Francisco Pereira 
Pestana, Jorge Dalboquerque, 2 Jorge Nunez de Lifto, Gon- 
çalo Pereira, 2 D. João Dessa, 2 Diogo Fernandez de Beja, 
D. Jofto de Lima, Gaspar Pereira, 2 Jorge da Silva, Buy Gal- 
vão, Pero Corrêa, Jofto Delgado, Manuel de Sousa, Jeronymo 
de Sousa, and many other Fidalgoes and Cavaliers ; while 
he himself and the rest of the forces followed in the rear- 
guard (d) ; and so, marching in this order of battle, in sight 
of the Turks (a), Boçalc&o began to push on his battalions 
towards ours. 

When Afonso Dalboquerque saw this he ordered Pero 
Mascarenhas to wheel round the train bands so as to face the 
enemy (b 2), and D. Gareia to keep on his way in quick march 
to their right (c 2), while he bore on to their left, and im- 
proved his position going up a valley, taking the Turkish 

1 See plan. 

9 See p. 208. These came in the fleet of Jorge de Mello, a.d. 1512. 

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army in flank (d 2); but as D. Garcia got on considerably 
faster than he could, he sent him word to halt and keep his 
ground until he himself should reach the head of the valley, 
for the place was one of very great strategic opportunity 

Fobtuss o» Bnrisviuir. 

a 2. 

d 2. 

Turks retiring. 

Turks advancing. 


8 3. 

a 3. 

\ \ 

\ "■•■. 



mentioned on pp. 223-225. 
The thick lines shew the front of the columns. 

for attacking the Turks. Roçalc&o perceiving how eager 
our men were to give him battle, halted, and ordered his 
forces not to advance any further. 

But Afonso Dalboquerque, as he was an experienced 

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soldier, soon observed that the Turks desired to retreat, like 
people who had changed their original intention, so he 
ordered Pêro Mascarenhas to press them somewhat more 
vigorously (b 3), and D. Garcia de Noronha to follow them 
along his line, and Manuel de Lacerda to support the train- 
bands with the cavalry, according to the instructions he had 
already received, and then the Turks, finding themselves 
with the train-bands in front of them, fell into disorder and 
turned round (a 2) and faced towards the fortress. 


How RocalcSo was put to flight, and the great Afonso Dalboquerque 
followed in pursuit after him up to the very walls of the fortress of 
Benesterij, and of what further took place. 

When the great Afonso Dalboquerque perceived that 
Roçalcâo was facing to the fortress he ordered Manuel de 
Lacerda to fall upon the Moors with his mounted men ; and 
as our men were closing up with them one thousand native 
Canarese peons became separated and went up along a rising 
ground. Afonso Dalboquerque, seeing that they marched 
along in disorder, detached from his army a body of soldiers 
who were to manoeuvre so as to get in between these peons 
and the main body of the Turks, and when thesB peons saw 
that they were cut off, they quitted the road on which they 
were travelling and made their way to the ford of Oondalij, 
because it was the nearest, and crossed over the river, and 
many of them were drowned in the passage. 

During this event Pêro Mascarenhas with the train-bands 
had already come up with the Turks and was engaged with 
them, and D. Garcia de Noronha on the right hand was 
rapidly coming on ; and both the one party and the other, 
for they were all now so very close to the fortress, again fell 
upon the Turks so courageously that they caused them to 

VOfi. III. Q 

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lose all their horses, and the enemy being in great dread 
of our own men in this onslaught, they all got in in a crowd 
inside the fortress, they then shut the gates, leaving a 
great many outside, who with great trouble saved them* 
selves with headgear which those who were inside threw 
over to them; others ran along the side of the fortress and 
made their entry good on the other side, and many of these 
stuck in the mud and were stifled to death ; others again, 
who preferred to throw themselves into the river, were inter- 
cepted and put to death by Aires da Silva and other cap- 
tains, who came up in the boats, and got out at the foot of 
the wall with their men protected with shield work, for they 
thought that the time had arrived at which Afonso Dalbo- 
querque had ordered them to do so. 

As soon as the Turks saw our men at the foot of the wall 
they threw down so many stones, and shot bows and 
arrows, and muskets at them so continuously that they were 
compelled to retire with a great number of the detachment 
severely wounded. The other part of our forces, which was 
stationed on the land side, finding themselves close up to the 
wall of the fortress, tried which way were easier to be done ; 
whether, as some did, upon the top of pikes, or, as others, 
jumping on foot (for the wall on the side of the city is 
lower and less strong than on that of the river), and as there 
were some Fidalgoes and Cavaliers on the top, Roçalcáo 
came up with a body of Turks and essayed to throw them 
down off the wall, and wounded many with arrows, musket 
shot, powder-cans, and blazing bundles of hay, without 
getting any advantage over them ; and as for the Captains 
whom Afonso Dalboquerque was expecting to help him in 
rallying his men, who were on that side, these were they 
who were working very hard to get up, helping each other 
up by the leg ; and the first who got up this was Pêro Mas- 
carenhas, who was in command of the trained bauds, whom 
.Afonso Dalboquerque after the rally embraced and kissed 

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on the face, whereat some were scandalised, although they 
had no need to be, for besides his actions that day like a 
brave cavalier, Afonso Dalboquerqne was under an obligation 
to him, for he had left the Fortress of Cochim, of which he 
was Captain, and had come to serve the king in that war. 

Francisco Pereira Pestana, who was the one who was most 
concerned at this, went up to the wall, and striking it with 
the palm of his hand (and this he did not without hurting 
himself), said, "I should like to know if the women 
pedlers of Lisbon will jBay that Francisco Pereira was in 
this affair". Afonso Dalboquerque reproved him, saying he 
was astonished that he could do such a thing at so inoppor- 
tune a moment. And Francisco Pereira, as he was a pas- 
sionate man and of irritable nature, began to exchange angry 
words with Afonso Dalboquerque, and the strife went so as 
for him to say, "Why do you pick quarrels with me, and not 
with Duarte de Lemos, because he showed you his teeth, I 
suppose ?" To this Afonso Dalboquerque replied with great 
forbearance, for in all his dealings he was always a pattern 
of patience, "He may well shew them, for he has very large 
and very long ones' V and without saying another word he 
turned his back upon him, for but a few days before, when 
they were at high words, Afonso Dalboquerque had borne 
with Francisco Pereira and omitted to punish him, and 
said to him on that occasion, "1 vow by my life, Francisco 
Pereira, I am so angry that I could tear myself," and then 
he took hold of a slashed scarlet cloak which he was wearing, 
and tore it. 

D. Garcia de Noronha, with all the rest of the forces who 
were posted on the right hand side, owing to the un- 
manageableness and kicking of the horses which the Turks 
had abandoned in order to save themselves on the top of the 
wall, fell into such confusion that the enemy prevented them 

1 This refers to vol. ii, p. 242, where the unusual length of Duarte de 
Lemos' teeth is mentioned. 


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from getting to the wall or to the gate, and had enough to 
do as it was to defend themselves; but the Turks also, 
before they could get up on the wall, were severely handled 
by our men, who killed many of them. And in this hurried 
action, in which all were engaged in pursuit of the Turks, 
Roçalcão thought he was entirely overthrown aôd the fortress 
entered; and, indeed, there would not have been much doubt 
of this if our men had only been prepared for such an event. 

Afonso Dalboquerque, with his body of men who were on 
the left wing, began to assault a bulwark where Miliqueaye, 1 
the second captain, was posted with a large body of men, 
and defending it with great bravery; notwithstanding this, 
our men were confident that they could have prevailed over 
the enemy in such a manner as to get upon it so that Afonso 
Dalboquerque could have easily placed his flag upon the 
wall at that place if he had had any hope of being supported 
on the other sides; but, as Benestarij was a very large 
town, and he had not any artillery at hand with which he 
could make a breach in the wall, he ordered the men to 
retire. And, although our soldiers on that day did not do 
more than what I have related, it is well worthy of praise 
that so many cavaliers and noble people, loaded with heavy 
arms and during the intense heat, should march from Goa 
to Benestarij, a distance of two leagues, on foot, and succeed 
in laying hands on the wall, and with so much courage 
have it in their power to enter into a fortress in which were 
stationed so many Turks, who knew very well how to de- 
fend it. 

In this engagement they wounded Manuel de Lacerda, 
Pero Dalboquerque, Jorge da Silva, Lopo Vaz de Sampayo, 
Euy Galvão, Pero Corrêa, João Delgado, Euy Gonçalvez, 
captain of the trainbands, Diogo Fernandez de Beja, Manuel 
de Sousa, Jeronymo de Sousa, and many others of noble 

1 Miliqueaye ; perhaps for Melek Yahya, the second word being equi- 
valent to John. 

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degree who had accompanied their captains and fought very 
valiantly, not fearing the fire nor the powder-cans, muskets, 
lances, arrows, and stones with which they had to contend. 
And besides these above-mentioned, we had a list of wounded 
amounting to a hundred and fifty soldiers who served with 
the artillery, for they were posted close to the foot of the 
wall. But this was not without its reward, for of the Turks 
there were a great many killed and wounded before they 
could retire into the fortress; and of the peons who were 
left outside when the gate was closed there were many 
killed, as well as two Hindoo captains, one called Miralle, 1 
the. other Conaique. 8 


How the great Afonso Dalboquerque rallied his people, and went back 
to the city ; and how he returned again with all his battle array to 
besiege the fortress, and of what passed with RocalcSo. 

When our forces had withdrawn from the foot of the wall, 
the great Afonso Dalboquerque drew up in front of the fort- 
ress, in a spot where none of the enemy's guns could reach him, 
and stood there a long space of time with all the captains, 
Fidatyoes, and Cavaliers, surveying the manner of action 
which ought to be carried out in order to be able to get in ; 
and when all had been carefully examined he set off for the city 
with the whole army, and there he remained for several days 
attending to the wounded and resting the unharmed from the 
labours which they had gone through on that day. And he 
gave orders for the immediate preparation of all the artillery, 

1 Miralle ; probably for Mir Ali, a title and name frequently adopted 
by the descendants of the Prophet, through the Khalif Ali, his son-in- 

* Conaique; I am unable to suggest the probable equivalent of this 

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scaling ladders, bancos pinchados, 1 mantlets, empty barrels 
for the stockades, and everything else that could be col- 
lected in the city for such an enterprise ; and when all was 
in order and on the route, after a lapse of two days he 
ordered the trainbands to sally out, with all the crossbow- 
men and musketeers, to convoy these munitions and wait 
for him at the Two Trees (which is the half-way mark from 
Goa to Benestarij), and there they were to pitch his tent; 
and on the following day, in the morning, he set out with 
the whole of the army, to the number of about three thou- 
sand five hundred men; and when they had reached the 
Two Trees, he pitched his camp, surrounded on all sides by 
artillery, and there he stayed for two days waiting for the 
supplies of which he had given charge to Bastiam Rodri- 
guez, his dependent, who is now Warden of the Balance at 
the Mint of this city of Lisbon. And when he had arrived, 
Afonso Dalboquerque put himself on the march with all his 
array in three companies, and ordered Pêro Mascarenhas 
to lead the trainbands in the vanguard with all the artillery, 
and erect some stockades in which he could plant the guns. 
As soon as our men came in sight of the fortress the 
Turks commenced to fire at them, and Afonso Dalboquerque, 
in order to pay them out in their own coin, ordered Pero 
Mascarenhas to fire at them in like manner. But when our 
artillery began to play, the Turks, who showed themselves 
on the top of the wall, withdrew inside. Thus having 
cleared the wall, Afonso Dalboquerque dismounted from the 
young mare which he rode and made his way on foot to 
the spot in which Pero Mascarenhas had imparked his 
artillery, and as night fell he ordered it to be advanced 
more towards the fortress, in front of a certain place which 
João Machado had pointed out to him as having the wall 
weaker there than elsewhere, for his intention was to throw 
down a portion of it so as to be able to send into the breach 
' See p. 2 15, n. 8. 

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a strong storming party whom the Turks could not with- 
stand. And on that day which they arrived they did no 
more than pitch their camp all round about the fortress, and 
on the morning of the following day Afonso Dalboquerque 
returned and placed himself in a spot where his back was 
against a rock to see what our men were doing. 

The Turks, who felt their pride wounded by Afonso 
Dalboqnerque's being able to stop there, began to train 
their guns towards that part more frequently, and at this 
juncture Diogo Mendess de Vasconcelos came up ; but when 
he perceived how unsafe it was to remain in that situation, 
and how continuously the balls were coming against them, 
he begged Afonso Dalboquerque to step behind the rock, 
for in the place where he then stood he ran great risk of 
being hit ; and although Diogo Mendez and Afonso Dalbo- 
querque were not on very friendly terms, yet the latter did 
as he was advised, and just as they were going behind the 
rock a ball came and killed a man who was conversing with 
him, and he was covered with blood. Afonso Dalboquerque 
gave many thanks to our Lord that he had saved him from 
that peril, and ordered that the ball should be preserved 
and be plated with silver and taken care of against his 
funeral obsequies, and carried to Our Lady of Guadelupe 1 
with a very large lamp of silver and a collar of gold set with 
very rich stones, and he contributed a hundred thousand reis 
in cash to be invested for the purchase of the supply of oil 
for the lamp, and all this was performed by Pêro Corrêa, 
who became his executor. 

When this incident was over, Afonso Dalboquerque com- 
manded D. Garcia de Noronha to push forward his stockades 
nearer to the wall during the night, for he was somewhat 
too far off; and he set to work about this with such dili- 
gence that before morning broke he had made a stockade 
of greater strength than the original one, with a number 

1 A church in the Island of Goa, to the south of the town. 

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of barrels and baskets full of earth, and all the artillery 
arranged in their proper positions, and Afonso Dalboquerque 
was on his mare all the night long seeing after the progress 
of the work. And at daybreak, when Roçalcão beheld our 
stockade brought much nearer to his fortress, he made 
ready four hundred Turks and ordered them to assault it. 

Pêro Mascarenhas, Ruy Gonçalvez, and João Fidalgo, who 
were in command of the trainbands stationed in a hollow, in 
order to be out of the range of the Turkish artillery, came 
up at once on hearing the alarm of the attack, and Dom 
Garcia de Noronha came up on the other side and fell upon 
this party with such impetuosity that before the Turks 
could withdraw a number of them were left stretched upon 
the field. As soon as the Turks had retired our artillery 
began to play upon the wall with such fury from the morn- 
ing until the evening that there was not a single Moor who 
dared to shew himself between the battlements. 

And because we had in our camp some very powerful 
guns, and the gunners were very skilful at their work, they 
began to breach the wall in several places. So when Afonso 
Dalboquerque saw the state of the walls, he gave orders to 
the captains to hold themselves in readiness to assault the 
fortress on the morrow in the morning, and take the Turks 
by force of arms ; but he said he would not appoint them 
the place, only that every one was to be on the alert, and 
where they saw him thither everyone was to repair ; and he 
also ordered the gunners to approach yet nearer to the 
fortress with the guns. Boçalc&o, finding himself pressed 
so hardly on the sea side, as well as on the land, and having 
no hope of any relief, sent for Miliqueaye — the second 
captain, who was a native Goraçone — and all the principal 
Turks of the fortress, and made them a speech, in which he 
declared that they could well see for themselves how closely 
they were besieged, and cut off from all succour, and a 
great portion of the wall thrown down, and how greatly 

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they were in want in supplies and gunpowder, and all other 
munitions needful for its defence, and how slender were the 
chances they had of being freshly supplied with them 
therefore, as they could no longer hold out successfully by 
their arms, they ought to secure themselves by some 
arrangements of peace, which they must make with the 

Miliqueaye and the other Turks, after considering the 
arguments of Roçalc&o, and drawing a lesson from their 
recent experiences, came to the conclusion that he ought to 
beg for truce, with the intention of afterwards treating for 
an agreement upon terms of peace. And as soon as they 
had been agreed upon, early in the morning of the following 
day, Afonso Dalboquerque still adhering to his intention of 
storming the fortress, they hung out a white flag on the 
wall ; and when he caught sight of it, he sent João Machado 
immediately to speak with Boçalcão and learn what he 
wanted ; and Jofto Machado went to the foot of the wall, 
and Boçalc&o came down and conversed with him, and told 
him to say to the captain general that he must give him a 
safe conduct, for he would perform whatever was demanded 
of him. Then Afonso Dalboquerque, who thought it more 
important a matter to preserve the life of a single Christian 
whom he imperilled in the fight than to encompass the 
death of the whole of the Turks who were in the fortress, 
was very pleased, and sent word to Roçalcão that he must 
hand over to him two of the principal men of the Turks as 
hostages, and then he would send him a statement of what 
he would have him do. Jofto Machado returned with the 
message, and as Roçalc&o was anxious to make peace, he 
lost no time in sending him back again with the Turks who 
had been demanded. 

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Of how the great Afonso Dalboquerque debated with the Captains and 
Fidalgoes who were there the terms offered by Roçalcão ; and of 
the agreement which was made ; and how he set out for Goa. 

No sooner had João Machado returned with the two 
Turks who were to remain as hostages nntil the conclusion 
of the negotiations for a treaty of peace, for which Roçalcão 
sued, as I have related, than Afonso Dalboquerque sum- 
moned all his captains and Fidalgoes who were in that camp, 
and shewed them how the Turks of the fortress of Benestarij 
were already on the point of surrender, for Roçalcão, the 
principal Captain, had sent to discuss terms of peace, and 
had promised to do whatever was required of him, therefore 
it was necessary that all should declare to him their opinions, 
in order that he might send the reply to this the request of 
the enemy. 

The reply of the captains was that they had offered them- 
selves there at great risk of their lives, willing to suffer 
death for the service of God, and of the King Dom Manuel; 
and as they had so large an army there, with such a high 
spirit of victory, he ought not to entertain the proposals 
made by Roçalcão, but storm the fortress and enter it by 
force of arms, and get Roçalcão into his power; for that the 
enemy should sue for peace, while all the time he had with 
him in the fortress twice as large an army of Turks as there 
was of Christians outside it, was really because his condi- 
tion was far more desperate than they all had any idea of, 
and therefore for these reasons, and for many others, they 
were of opinion that he ought not to enter into any treaty 
with him. 

But inasmuch as Afonso Dalboquerque and D. Garcia, 
and others, were of the opposite opinion, he replied to these 
arguments that the best things the Turks had in the fortress 

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were the artillery and the horses, for as for the men, even 
if he took them all prisoners he would not give twopence 
for the whole of them, and he certainly wonld never allow 
them to set foot inside the city, for there was a great 
scarcity of provisions there; and if they thought that by 
giving them battle they would take Roçalc&o prisoner, as 
they alleged, it was very doubtful whether they could do so 
or not, and it would very likely cost them the lives of four 
or five Fidalgoes, or perhaps even twenty, seeing that every 
one was anxious to be the first in ; for eight thousand Moors, 
surrounded, and cut off, without any hope of relief, would 
of necessity spill much of their assailants' blood before 
they could be quite beaten down ; and therefore it was his 
opinion and firm resolve, that if Koçalcão would surrender 
him the fortress with all its artillery and the horses, and 
everything else that it contained, and deliver up to him 
the renegades, then he would let them go, even if he had to 
build them a bridge of silver to enable them to pass over to 
the mainland. 

Having settled this, Afonso Dalboquerque sent word to 
Roçalc&o, through João Machado, that, provided he agreed 
to the conditions which I have related, he would make 
peace with him, and let him go freely away; but if he 
would not accept these terms, then he must know of a 
certainty that he would not spare his life, nor the life of a 
single person who was left in the fortress. And as Boçalcão 
was very desirous of peace, he agreed to every condition ; 
but as for the renegade Christians, who were in his host, 
he begged Afonso Dalboquerque not to make any special 
demand for them, for he could not surrender them, seeing 
that it would be contrary to the law of the country. 

To this Afonso Dalboquerque replied that the principal 
point of all which he required to be conceded was the sur- 
render of the renegades, and unless this were adhered to 
he would not listen to any further proposals; Roçalc&o there- 

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fore, perceiving how determined he was, and being very- 
desirous of feeling himself free and out of the toils in which 
he was involved, desired rather to ameliorate the necessity 
of his condition than comply with the obligations of his 
law; so he told João Machado to declare to the great 
Captain that as he made so great a matter of the renegades 
he would surrender them on the condition that Afonso 
Dalboquerque would spare their lives. 

This Afonso Dalboquerque granted, and sent back a safe 
conduct for him and for all the Turks and Moors, provided 
that they carried away nothing with them except only the 
clothing in which they stood up. And as soon as Roçalcão 
received the safe conduct, he lost no time in sending his 
wives over to the mainland ; and when they were all over on 
the other side, he and Miliqueaye (who was the second in 
command of the fortress), fearing lest Afonso Dalboquerque 
should violate his safe conduct, crossed over immediately, 
forgetting all about the promises which they had made to 
the Turks that they would not quit the fortress without, first 
of all, seeing them safely out of it. 


How our men entered the fortress, and wanted to pillage the Turks, if 
the great Afonso Dalboquerque had not prevented them ; and what 
passed with the renegades, and how he set forth towards Goa. 

As soon as the news ran through the camp that Roçal- 
cfto and Miliqueaye had crossed over to the mainland, 
our people, eager to sack the fortress, came on in a con- 
fused mass and got inside it, and began to pillage it, and 
illtreat the Turks, many of whom, out of fear, cast them- 
selves into the river and were drowned. But when Afonso 
Dalboquerque perceived this disturbance he went up to the 
gate to hinder the people from going in until it was corn- 

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pletely evacuated by the Turks; nevertheless, after he got 
to the gate he was compelled to go in, in order to adhere 
to the pledge of safety which he had given them, and 
only with great difficulty could he prevent our men from 
killing and robbing them. 

And as the Moors were very numerous, and there were 
no means of passing them on to the mainland so expedi- 
tiously as Afonso Dalboquerque desired, in order to make 
an end of this business of casting them out, he ordered the 
boats belonging to the ships to be brought up, along with 
some watchboats which he had there, and by these means 
he began gradually to reduce the numbers of people who 
stood on the shore. Notwithstanding this, so numerous were 
the Persians, Turks, Coraçones, and other people of the 
country, that they took two days in passing over. And it 
fell out that on the very next day in the morning after 
all had passed over to the other side of the mainland, 
Içufularij, Captain of the Hidalcao, arrived to relieve Ro- 
çalc&o with a great body of men and a large quantity of 
supplies ; but inasmuch as Benestarij was by this time sur- 
rounded, both by land and sea by our men, it was perfectly 
impossible for them to get in, and Içufularij, when he saw 
the fortress in the hands of the enemy, and no help for it, 
returned with the army which he had brought back again to 
his own lands, very much discouraged, and throwing great 
blame upon Roçalcâo for surrendering a fortress which con- 
tained so many people for its defence. 

The Turks, too, feeling themselves safe, waited for nothing 
else, but went away immediately under their Captains, with 
a large number of whites, into the interior country. And 
as soon as the fortress was entirely clear of the enemy, 
Afonso Dalboquerque gave orders that all the horses and 
artillery which it contained should be collected together, 
and the dilapidations of the fortress be repaired in the 
strongest manner that was possible, and replenished with 

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more artillery and munitions of war, and he appointed a 
captain with a retinae of soldiers to guard it. 1 And after he 
had completed his provision of these matters he com- 
manded them to bring up before him Fernão Lopez and the 
other renegades ; these men, when they found themselves 
in his presence, fearing that he would not keep the promise 
he had made them of sparing their lives, threw themselves 
at his feet, and with many tears besought him to have 
mercy on them. But Afonso Dalboquerque, who could 
not break his word, kept the promise which he had made of 
not taking their lives, according to the promise given to 
Roçalc&o, so he ordered that their right hands, and the 
thumbs of their left hands, and their ears and noses should 
be cut off in memory and as a terrible example of the 
punishment meted out to them for the treason and wicked- 
ness which they had committed against God and their king. 8 

1 The fort of Benastarim became very famous in the annals of Goa 
after the Portuguese conquest. Pietro della Valle makes especial men- 
tion of it, as also the house in which the commandant of the fort then 
resided, from the balcony of which a splendid view of the surrounding 
country could be enjoyed. In this fortress there was a very large gun 
which had been taken from the Mahammadans, and which was, until 
lately, preserved as an historical reminiscence. — J. N. da Fonseca, Sketch 
of Goa, Bombay, 1878, p. 153. 

* Castanheda, in his account of this horrible cruelty (a foreshadowing 
perhaps of the tortures invented by the Inquisition at Goa in later 
years), attaches even more horrid details to this great blot upon the 
otherwise magnanimous character of Afonso Dalboquerque. He says 
that the hair of the wretched men's heads and beards was torn out by 
the roots, and the raw places smeared with mud. He adds some in- 
teresting information respecting the life of Fernão Lopez, whom he him- 
self saw in the island of St. Helena. The passage is as follows : — 

u E ho principal que ho moueo a fazer isto, foy por ser exemplo a 
outros que não fizessem outro tanto, e também por não ficar sem 
castigo hum crime tamanho como aquelle foy. £ a justiça foy com lhes 
mandar publicamente e com pregão cortar narizes, orelhas, mãos dereytas, 
dedos das ezquerdas, e entregalos aos moços que lhes depenassem os 
cabelos das barbas e das cabeças, e que os enlameassem, e injuriassem, e 
a Fernão Lopez sobre todos porque era de mais qualidade: e por derra- 

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This Fernão Lopez, who was the ringleader of the rene- 
gades, set oat on his return to Portugal after the death of 
Afonso Dalboquerqoe, but when he had got so far forward 
on the voyage as the Island of Saint Ilena, he made up his 
mind to stay there with a slave who belonged to him, and 
there he ended his days. He was the first who made a 
habitation in this island, establishing a Hermitage, and 
planting many trees, and he bred a great number of hogs 
and goats, so that the site became a very commodious place 

deiro foy degradado pera Portugal, e eu ho vi na ilha de santa Helena, 
onde por seu rogo ho capitão da nno que ho leuaua ho deixou sò: e ali 
viueo muyto tempo, sentindo a nosso senor arrependido do peccado que 
fizera. £ disseramme que assi ele como muytos dos outros sofrerão estes 
tormentos com muyta paciência dizendo que mais merecião polo graue 
peccado que cometerão/ 1 — Castanheda, lib. iii, eh. xciii. 

Corrêa gives even a more revolting account of this punishment, which 
was spread out over three days, and resulted in the death of more than 
half the number of the victims. He says : — " Depois de os mouros serem 
deitados fora da ilha de Goa, o Gouernador proueo e afortelezou os 
passos da ilha, como dito he. Logo entendeo com os arrenegados que 
estauão com o Roçalcfio, os quaes, com baraços nos pescoços e mãos 
atadas detrás, forão leuados a picota fora da cidade, com pregão que 
dizia : * Justiça que manda fazer EIRey nosso senhor, que manda bas- 
camar estes homens, porque forão trédores a sua ley e a seu Rey ; e a 
morte lhes he perdoada por amor do Hidalcão.' £ chegados á picota 
negros algozes e moços do pouo lhe depennarão e arrancarão quantas 
barbas tinhão, até as sobrancelhas, e lhe tirarão com lama fedorenta de 
chiqueiros de porcos, que pera ysso já estaua prestes, aos rostros e olhos, 
onde os fizerão taes que lhe nom paredão os rostros ; com que forão 
tornados á prisão, em que jazião deitados com correntes de ferro nos pés 
e pescoços, e algemas nas mãos, e assy como jazião mijauão e sayão por 
sy. Então ao outro dia, assy d' esta maneyra como estauão, os tornarão 
a leuar á picota com o mesmo pregão, onde lhe cortarão as orelhas rentes 
e os narizes, e os tornarão á prisão, onde os meterão como estauão assy 
nas correntes de ferro sem serem curados. £ ao outro dia assy os leuarão 
á picota com seu pregão, onde lhe cortarão as mãos direitos e os dedos 
polegares das esquerdas ; com que forão tornados á prisão, e forão curados 
de suas chagas. De que na prisão morrerão mais d* ametade delles, e os 
que ficarão forão soltos, que liuremente se fossem por onde quigessem ; o 
que assy fizerão, que todos desapparecerão." — Corrêa, pp. 315, 316. 

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of shelter for our ships which touched there on the home- 
ward voyage from India. 1 

* Correal account of this unfortunate man, whose adventures are 
worthy of record here because he is believed to have been the first 
settler upon the island of St. Helena, is as follows : — 

" Fernão Lopes se meteo em huma nao do Reyno, que em Lisboa 
tinha molher e filhos, a qual nao foy apartar na ilha de S. Elena, onde 
tomarão agoa ; onde este Fernão Lopes fiqou escondido, o qual achado 
menos na nao o forão buscar, e o nom achando lhe deixarão hum quarto 
cheo de biscoito, e tassalhos de carne, e pexe aequo, e sal, e fogo, e 
roupas velhas que cada hum deu ; e a nao se partio, e lhe deixarão 
huma carta que vindo ally ter alguma nao desse sinaes de sy se era 
morto ou viuo, e se mostrasse pêra o prouerem do que ouvesse mester; e 
a nao se partio. Fernão Lopes, vendo a nao partida, sayo do mato e 
tomou o que achou, e acendeo o fogo que se nom apagasse, e logo buscou 
pedras, que bateo humas com outras, e vio que f eriáo fogo, e as guardou. 
Assy com os quatro dedos da mão esquerda, e com o cotinho da direita 
que tinha cortada, como Deos lhe ministraua por sua grande misericór- 
dia, cauou em huma ribanceira, em que fez huma lapa, que dentro fez 
grande, em que se recolhia e dormia, e a boca da lapa tapaua com tojos. 
Achou heruas tenras, que erão gostosas de comer, que cozia com sal em 
duas panellas que lhe deixarão. Assy estando, o outro anno foy hy ter 
huma nao, e elle vendo vir a nao se escondeo. 

" Os da nao, sayndo em terra que acharão a lapa, e cama de palha em 
que dormia, e os sacos, e as duellas do quarto em que lhe deixarão o 
biscoito, e as panellas, e os caruões do fogo, ficarão espantados, e crerão 
que erão negros que ficari&o ally fôgidos d'ontra nao; mas vendo o fato 
assentarão que era homem portuguez. Tomarão sua agoa, nom bolirão em 
nada, antes lhe deixarão biscoito, e queijos, e cousas de comer, e huma 
carta em que lhe dizião que nom se escondesse, que quando nao ally por- 
tasse fallasse, que ninguém lhe faria mal. E a nao se fez á vela. Em 
largando as velas da nao cayo as mar hum galo, que as ondas trouxerfio a 
terra, que o F. Lopes recolheo, e lhe daua arroz que lhe deixarão, com 
que o galo fiqou com elle em tal amizade que sempre o acompanhaua 
onde andaua, e de noite se recolhia com elle á coua. Este galo esteue 
com este homem muy tos annos, a que elle chamaua ; que depois passando 
a tempo este homem parecia, e fallaua com a gente das nãos que pas- 
sauão, e todos lhe dauão cousas pêra prantar e semear, em que fez muy- 
tas abóboras, romãs, palmeiras, ades, galinhas, porcas, cabras prenhes, 
que tudo se fez em muyta criação, e tudo se fez brauo do mato. 

14 Este homem esteue muytos annos so* n'esta ilha fazendo esta espan- 
tosa vida, o que sendo dito a EIRey desejou muyto de o vér, porque lhe 
dizião que era como homem seluagem ; polo que EIRey o mandou rogar 

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Afonso Dalboquerque, after having provisioned the fort- 
ress with everything that was requisite for it, made his way 
to the city with all the army, and there they were received 
by the entire populace with a great procession at the city 
gate, and from that gate they marched straight to the 
church, to return thanks to Our Lord for the great victory 
which he had given them over their enemies ; and when all 
these ceremonies were over, he immediately established a 
hospital of very large size, with beds and everything that 
was necessary for the care and cure of the wounded, who 
were very numerous ; and he commanded Garcia de Sousa 
to take certain ships and cruise off the bar of Dabul, and not 
permit a single vessel to go into, or out of, the port, with 
the object of making war upon the Hidalcão wherever he 
was able to prevail against him. 

que por sua vontade fosse ao Reyno. O que elle fez, e foy, e escondido 
desembarqou em casa do capitão da nao, d'onde de noite hia fallar com 
EIRey, e a Raynha, que lhe daugo hermedys e casas de frades em que 
estiuesse ; o que elle nada quis aceitar, mas ouve licença d'ElRey e se 
foy a Roma, e se confessou ao Papa, que folgou de o vêr, e ouve cartas 
pêra EIRey que o tornasse a mandar & ilha. O que assy o fez EIRey. 
Esteue este homem n'esta ilha passante de dez annos, sem nunqua o 
ninguém vêr, porque se elle escondia. 

u N'esta ilha fiqou hum moco jâo fogido, que assy esteue com elle 
muytos annos. Este moço foy o que o descobrio a huma nao que hy foy 
ter, em que hia por capitão Fero Gomez Teixeira, que fora ouvidor geral 
na índia, que fez tantos medos as negro que o foy descobrir onde estaua 
escondido ; que vendose tomado fez grandes prantos, cuidando que o 
queriâo leuar na nao; mas F. Gomes o consolou, e com elle muyto 
f aliou, e segurou que o nom leuaria, e lhe deu muytas cousas, postoque 
elle os nom queria e muy aficadamente lhe rogou que leuasse o moço. 
O Fero Gomes o leuou, com F. Lopes lhe prometter que se nom escon- 
deria & gente. O que assy concertado o P. Gomes lhe deixou hum seu 
assinado em que pedia por mercê a todos os capitães, que ally chegassem, 
que nom fizessem força ao querer leuar ao Reyno contra sua vontade, 
porque todos os tempos passados que se escondia era com esse medo que 
tinha ; polo que lhe dera seguro em nome d'ElRey, e lho jurara, que 
ninguém o leuaria da ilha contra sua vontade. Com que o F. Lopes fiqou 
seguro, com que se nom escondia, e fallaua com todos, e daua do que 
nacia na ilha, que foy em muyto crecimento : e na ilha morreo depois 
d'ahy a muyto tempo, que foy no anno de 1546."— Corrêa, pp. 316-818. 


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As soon as Garcia de Sousa had set sail, Afonso Dalbo- 
querque prepared a large supply of lime, stone, and masonry, 
in order to fortify the fortress of Benestarij, and strengthen 
the island passes, which had great need of it ; and he re- 
named the fortress The Castle of St. Peter, because of the 
name of the ship which had there been broken to pieces in 
front of it. And he appointed Manuel Fragoso to the com- 
mand of the outwork of Pangij and the tower of the island of 
Choram ; and to Bastião Rodriguez, cavalier of the king's 
household and the present warden of the balance in the 
Mint of the city of Lisbon, he gave command of the tower 
of Divarij, and because this latter officer was a householder 
of Goa, he conferred also upon him the office of chief Alcaide 
of Goa during his life. And because these passes were the 
principal ones, and of very great importance for the security 
of the transit from the mainland to the island, he made the 
completion of them a matter of great urgency, for his 
real intention was to penetrate the straits of the Bed Sea, 
and take Adem, if it were possible ; but of this enter- 
prise he had given no account to any one, that his voyage 
thither might not be suspected. Yet, because the time of 
the monsoon was now at hand, and he had a number of 
matters which he had to put in order, before entering upon 
them he determined first of all to dispatch the ambassadors 
of the kings of India who were awaiting him at Goa. 
Pedro Mascarenhas also, seeing that the siege of Benastarij 
was over, begged permission to return to his fortress of 
Cochim, but Afonso Dalboquerque, anxious to leave him in 
office as Captain of Goa, out of great confidence in his 
courage and discretion, desired him earnestly of his good- 
ness to be pleased to remain where he was to superintend 
the completion of the towers, for which, indeed, all things 
were by this time ready prepared, for in so doing he would 
advance the king's service much more than by returning 
to, and staying in, Cochim. 

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How the great Afonso Dalboquerque sent D. Garcia de Noronha, his 
nephew, with a fleet against Calicut ; and how he dispatched the 
ambassadors who were waiting for him at Goa, and the rest which 
took place. 

Now, inasmuch as the great Afonso Dalboquerque was 
very angry with the Çamorim because he had broken his 
word, in respect of the peace which he (Afonso) had sent by 
ambassadors to conclude while he was on the way to Malaca, • 
in which embassage Simão Rangel went ; therefore, when the 
proceedings against Benestarij were finished, Afonso Dalbo- 
querque, out of a desire to be revenged on him, sent D. 
Garcia de Noronha, his nephew, to go up against Calicut, 
and do as much harm as he could to the Çamorim, and 
blockade the coast in such a manner that not a single ship 
should leave the port with spices for Meca. And, because 
certain ambassadors of the kings of India had been for a 
long time waiting in Goa, as soon as D. Garcia had set sail, 
Afonso Dalboquerque occupied himself upon their dispatches, 
and ordered the secretary to lay before him all the papers 
and letters of the Hidalc&o j and when he had examined 
them, he sent for the ambassador of this prince, and told 
him that if the Hidalc&o desired to be at peace and havo 
friendship with the King of Portugal, his Lord, he himself 
would be very much pleased, but the articles which he had 
brought were not similar in their import to those which the 
Hidalc&o had frequently written ; and therefore, in order to 
clear up this matter, he had determined to send him back 
with an ambassador in company with him. 

The ambassador of the Hidalc&o replied that there was no 
variation whatever in the articles ; but if he desired to send 
to the Hidalc&o a messenger from the Portuguese, and any 
delay should arise from this circumstance, he would desire 


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him earnestly that during the period of time consumed in 
arranging the articles of peace, he would be pleased to com- 
mand his captains to open the port of Dabul, 1 and give free 
ingress to the ships which were thither bound with mer- 
chandise and provisions. Afonso Dalboquerque was so de- 
sirous of coming to some conclusive understanding with the 
Hidalc&o, that he lost no time in sending word to B. Garcia 
de Sousa, who was watching the port of Dabul, to set free 
the shipping of the port, provided that no prohibited mer- 
chandise were carried ; and if the Moors should desire per- 
mission for a free navigation of their ships, they were to be 
sent to apply for it at Goa. 

Having therefore dispatched this ambassador, Afonso 
Dalboquerque sent, in company with him, to treat for peace, 
Diogo Fernandez, Adail of Goa, and the son of Gil Vicente 
as his scrivener, and João Navarro as his interpreter, and 
six complete services of horses, and a native captain with 
twenty peons to attend them on the way. And when Diogo 
Fernandez had set out on his journey, Afonso Dalboquerque 
dispatched the ambassador of the King of Cambaya, who 
had been going up and down Goa for some time ; but his 
departure was prolonged as much as possible, for as the 
Portuguese fleet, which was in course of preparation, was 
very large and being prepared very carefully with every- 
thing that was requisite to perform any undertaking, how- 
ever important it might be, — although he had not yet given 
any account to anyone of the route he intended to follow, — 
he was fearful lest the Moors should surmise that he was 
preparing to enter the straits of the Bed Sea, and, by the 
medium of Cambaya and Miliquiaz (who was very cunning), 
his enterprise should come to be known before he could 
start, so that Adem, which he was determined to attack, 
should get ready to withstand him. And what made him 
believe this more than ever was, that just at this juncture 
1 See the map of FernSo Vaz Dourado, vol. ii, p. 1. 

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there arrived unexpectedly another messenger from the King 
of Cambaya, who gave out that he had come to hasten for- 
ward the settlement of the treaty. The principal reason why 
Afonso Dalboquerque delayed concluding this dispatch was 
because he was very desirous of having a personal interview 
with the King of Cambaya, and as it was now very late in 
the season, and they were like to lose the monsoon for the 
Straits, and D. Garcia de Noronha, who was to accompany 
him, could not possibly join him in time to perform the two 
enterprises [of going to Cambaya and the Straits], because 
he had so many things to attend to in Gochim and Calicut, 
Afonso Dalboquerque finally dispatched the ambassadors 
with the intention that when he was tacking for the Straits 
he would make his way to Cambaya and visit the king, pro- 
vided that there were time enough for it. 

And when he had examined the articles and conditions 
which the King D. Manuel had appointed as a basis of 
peace, he determined to send in company with the ambassa- 
dor, Tristão Déga as ambassador to the King, and João 
Gomez as his scrivener, with a present of articles from Por- 
tugal and India ; and the instructions which our ambassador 
carried were to demand leave to erect a fortress in Diu, for 
the security of the subjects and property of the King of 
Portugal ; and that the merchants of that kingdom should 
send their merchandise to Goa and not to any other part, 
and there they would find everything they required by way 
of a homeward-bound cargo ; and that the king should not 
receive any Rumes or Turks into his kingdom, because they 
were capital enemies of the Portuguese. 

And after this Afonso Dalboquerque dispatched a messen- 
ger who had come from Miliquiaz to visit him as long ago 
as before his arrival at Malaca, and before this one returned, 
orders were given that he should be taken round to inspect 
the king's arsenals, which at that time were full of artillery, 
saddles and horse gear, weapons, and all kinds of munitions 

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and material of war, and all the stables filled with horses, 
and a general review of all the crossbowmen and musketeers 
was ordered ; there were a great number of these, for every 
householder of Goa, whether married or single, was obliged 
to carry a crossbow or musket, not only for the defence of 
the city, but also in case of the occurrence of any unforeseen 

And Afonso Dalboquerque likewise commanded that this 
messenger should inspect Benestarij, which the Turks had 
built very strongly with ramparts, and see the place where 
our ships rammed it, and took it by force of arms from the 
Turks, not dreading in the least the numerous guns which 
were posted on these ramparts. And Afonso Dalboquerque 
also desired that he should be taken into the fortress and 
see the destruction which had been wrought within it, in 
order that he might tell his lord not to place much con- 
fidence in the ramparts of Diu, if the King of Portugal were 
to command him to take it ; and by means of this policy, 
which Afonso Dalboquerque knew well how to carry out 
both in peace and war, as long as he was Governor of India, 
Miliqueaz never felt himself very safe in Diu, although he 
was very crafty in dissembling this fear. 


How an ambassador from King Yengapor arrived at Goa, and how the 
great Dalboquerque bore himself with Rocalcão, and what passed 
with them. 

When Tristão Déga and the ambassadors "of the king of 
Cambaya had set out in one of the ships belonging to 
Miliqueaz which had come to Goa laden with provisions, the 
great Afonso Dalboquerque dispatched Gaspar Chanoca to 
go to Narsinga, for he had been sent thither when the 
expedition to Malaca was just about to start, and had re- 

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turned with the answer, bringing back in his company an 
ambassador from the king of Narsinga with a present for the 
king D. Manuel, and this ambassador finding that the Por- 
tuguese had not returned from Malaca, went back, and this 
was the reason why Afonso Dalboquerque sent Gaspar 
Chanoca back again with similar instructions to the king, 
giving him an account of the siege of Benestarij; and 
among many other matters which he was to relate to the 
king there was this, that inasmuch as all the kings of India 
had granted a site in their harbours for the construction of 
a strong house wherein the property of the king of Portugal 
might be preserved, aud he was very desirous of being on 
friendly terms with the king, therefore he ought to grant 
him such a site in Bati cala; and, in return for this, he 
would willingly forward all the horses that came to market 
at Goa to Narsinga, for he would be much more pleased to 
send them to him than to the Hidalc&o ; and although Fr. 
Luis had written to Afonso Dalboquerque not to place 
much reliance upon this king's friendship, nor to trust in 
his words, yet, as long as the king of Garçopa was living, 
Afonso Dalboquerque was content to temporise with him, 
for the king D. Manuel had frequently sent word to him to 
strive to keep on good terms with him because he was a 

Three days afterwards, there arrived an ambassador from 
King Yengapor to congratulate Afonso Dalboquerque on his 
return from Malaca, and his success at Benestarij, and 
brought for him a present of sixty horse trappings, with 
their covers and tail pieces, of very beautiful workmanship 
and finish, with twenty-five saddles with their stirrups and 
furniture, 1 and sent word to propose to Afonso Dalboquerque 
that he should be appointed to the government of the 

1 " Sessenta cubertas de cavallo com suas testeiras, e colas, obra muito 
bem feita, e acabada, com vinte e cinco sellas com seus estribos e guarnições" 
Cf. " Ephippia, frontalia, phaleras, et tegumenta." — Osorius, p. 263. 

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lands of Goa, "and for them he would pay a certain specified 
rent, and that he might be allowed to take three hundred 
horses, of which the king was in great need. 1 

Afonso Dalboquerque received the ambassadors with 
very great kindness, and commanded that the horses which 
he required should be supplied to him at his own price, and 
he added many things for the king in return for the pre- 
sent, always making much of him, for besides his seeking 
after the friendship of the king of Portugal, and offering 
himself in person, and his forces to aid in the war at Goa 
against the Turks, his kingdom is a veritable and safe road 
to Narsinga, and well supplied with provisions, and in it 
they make caparisons and saddles, and everything re- 
quired for horses, so that Goa could very well avail herself 
of all these things whenever need of them should arise. 

When this affair was over, Roçalc&o, who was waiting 
quietly in the territories of Goa, on the other side of the 
river, after the rout of Benestarij, very often sent word to 
Afonso Dalboquerque that he would be glad to have an 
interview with him, and it could take place whenever he 
liked ; and when Afonso Dalboquerque excused himself from 
this, Roçalc&o knowing that he was ready to set out from Goa, 
became more importunate in his requests. Afonso Dalbo- 
querque being wearied with him, and considering that no 
harm would be done to the treaty of peace, which was being 
negotiated with the Hidalc&o, if they communed together, 
appointed a meeting in the river of Benestarij, and met 

1 "Rex Vengapor (est autem Vengapor Régio mediterrânea, cum 
Zabaimi regione continens), legatum ad Albuquercium de pace misit. 
Nomen enim illius per omnes illas terras cum hominum admiratione vaga- 
batur, et multi ob earn causam Regis Emmanuelis imperium sequi vole- 
bant, nt in illius tutela constituía, aliorum Frincipum tyrannidem de- 

clinarent Hoc autem postulabat, ut liceret sibi equos trecentos precio, 

ut alii faciebant, persoluto, ex urbe singulis annis educere. Fuit huic 
postulate satisfactum, et legatus honorifico dimissus." — Osorius, p. 263. 
From this it appears that the horses were to be delivered yearly. 

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him, but Dothing passed except compliments made to him 
by Roçalc&o, with expressions of desire of his friendship, 
and to be at the service of the king of Portugal. 

By this interview Afonso Dalboquerque plainly perceived 
that Roçalcão did not feel himself very safe in the position 
which he then occupied, and that the Moors, who observed 
how small a force he had left under him, and how he was 
out of favour with the Hidalcão, were thinking of raising 
a quarrel with him ; and that it was because he might 
avail himself of the power of the king of Portugal, for he 
dreaded lest the Hidalcão should come against him, that he 
was so desirous of being on friendly terms with the Portu- 

Therefore Afonso Dalboquerque would not accept the 
offers of Roçalcão, but treated him with uncertain words, 
that he might have nothing to complain of, until it could 
be seen what position the Hidalcão would take up in the 
treaty of peace. And when the interview was over, Afonso 
Dalboquerque inquired of Roçalcão for news of the Hidalcão; 
and he replied that there was a serious dissension in his 
camp, for the Persians and Coraçones were opposed to the 
Turks and Rumes because they had put to death Camaleão, 
one of the chief captains of the court, and the governor of 
his property, who was by birth a Persian. And so when 
they had conversed upon these events and others, Afonso 
Dalboquerque took his leave of Roçalcão and returned to 
Goa without coming to any agreement with him. 1 

1 Corrêa, at p. 324, says that Afonso Dalboquerque excused himself 
from any interview with Roçalcão, " O gouernador se escusou de fallar 
com elle, somente lhe mandando palauras d'amizades". 

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Of the arrival of the embassy of the Prestes João at Goa, and of the 
manner in which he was received ; and how the great Afonso Dal- 
boquerque sent him to Portugal, and the rest which took place. 

When the great Afonso Dalboquerque reached the city he 
found therein Estevão de Freitas, who had come back from 
Dabul with a message for him from D. Garcia de Sousa, in 
which he notified that at that port there had arrived a ship 
from Zeila bringing an ambassador from the Prestes João, 1 
king of the Abyssinians, to the king of Portugal, and the 
governors of the land had detained him, and he desired to 
know what he ought to do, for, as he had received com- 
mands to raise the blockade of the port until further orders, 
he did not dare to meddle with him. 

This news very much gratified Afonso Dalboquerque, for 
the king D. Manuel had often written to him to do his 
utmost to obtain information concerning the Prestes João 
and the men whom the king D. João before his death had 
sent to that country by land. 8 He, therefore, lost no time 
in sending back Estevão de Freitas in the fusta which had 
brought him, with message to D. Garcia de Sousa that he 
should send the ambassador to him. And when Garcia de 
Sousa received this message he sent word to the governors 
of the land that the man whom they had detained was an 
envoy from the Prestes João to the king of Portugal, and 
that the captain-general of India hearing of his arrival had 
written for him to be sent on, therefore he begged them of 
their kindness to hand him over for that purpose, and that 
the matter would not admit of any doubt. The governors, 
although they had at first determined not to allow this man 
to go on any further, without hearing from the Hidalcão — 

1 See vol. i, chap. liv. 

2 See vol ii, Introduction, p. viii ; and chap. xlix. 

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to whom they had sent word of his arrival — nevertheless, 
dreading lest Garcia de Sousa should maltreat them, changed 
their mind and delivered him up. And as soon as Estevão 
de Freitas had got him into his possession, he hastened the 
man's preparations for his departure, and supplied him with 
provisions and everything that he required for his voyage. 
And as soon as he reached the bar of Goa Afonso Dalbo- 
querque commanded all the Fidalgoes and Captains to pro- 
ceed to meet him in their boats. This ambassador brought 
with him a piece of the Wood of the True Cross for the 
king D. Manuel. Afonso Dalboquerque, therefore, went to 
the beach to receive him, with all the clergy and inhabitants 
of the city, with crosses in procession, and there they took 
up the Wood under a canopy to the Cathedral Church, and 
after all had given great thanks to Our Lord because he had 
shewn them so desirable a thing as this was, the opening 
of a road whereby communication could be made with the 
Prestes João, Afonso Dalboquerque ordered that the ambas- 
sador should be entertained and supplied with all necessary 
things for the expenses of himself, his wife, and a young 
man and woman of Abyssinia who were in his suite. 

The ambassador's name was Mateus; he was a white, 
and of good bearing, and stated that he was the brother of 
the Patriarch of Abyssinia. And although our people 
doubted whether he wore really dispatched by the Prestes 
João or not, and declared that he was a Moor, a spy sent 
by the Grand Sultan, yet he conversed upon matters of 
the Faith like a man who had been brought up among 

What an astonishing thing it is that our people should 
have doubted this man to be a true ambassador from the 
Prestes João, and decided hastily that he was a Moor, for 
not small was the fame of the name and power which the 
King D. Manuel had acquired in those parts of the world ; 
not small was the reputation of the constant war which he 

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was waging with the Moors, that a king so seriously dedi- 
cated to Christianity, and so desirous of being in communi- 
cation with Christians, and within twenty days' sail of 
India, should never trouble himself to learn what manner of 
men, and what sort of people Christians were, although he 
had in his own territories Portuguese whom D. João the 
Second had sent thither ; and that although he had Jerusa- 
lem so near to him, whither his own subjects were continu- 
ally journeying to visit the Holy Sepulchre, they should 
doubt whether the Warden of [the Friars of the Order of] 
St. Francis of Mount Sion had sent him a piece of the Wood 
of the True Cross ! These are the works of Satan, who ever 
seeks to exercise his influence in the quarter where he per- 
ceives he can do the greatest injury. 

Two days after this, Afonso Dalboquerque commanded 
that the ambassador should be brought before him ; and in 
the presence of Pero Dalpoem, the secretary, and Alexander 
de Ataide, the interpreter, enquired of him what route he 
had taken, and how it was that the Prestes João had sent 
him in this manner, without sending also with him some of 
the Portuguese who were in that country, and what message 
it was that he brought with him for the King of Portugal. 
The ambassador replied that he had come by way of Zeila, 
and that only in the same hour in which the Prestes João 
had summoned him to depart, had he disclosed also to him 
his route, without giving notice of it to anyone, and had 
then put into his hands the letters for the King of Portugal 
without saying anything to him beyond this, that he was 
to make his way to India, and beg the Captain-General to 
give him a passage to Portugal ; for had he not started on 
his journey with these precautions, and had it been known 
in the Court of the Prestes João that he was setting forth 
with a message for the King of Portugal, in no wise could 
he have passed through the country of the Moors without 
great peril. The message which he brought was that the 

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Prestes João, his Lord, sent word to desire the marriage of 
his children with those of the King of Portugal, as it were 
in exchange ; and to offer him troops and supplies for the 
destruction of the House of Meca and the Grand Sultan of 
Cairo, and all these he would order to be conveyed to, and 
delivered at, any port of his country, whichever he might 
select ; that the Wood of the True Cross which he brought 
was sent to the king by the Warden of Jerusalem, with 
whom he was in friendly communication; and all these 
matters which he had asserted could be proved to be true 
by the letters. 

Afonso Dalboquerque declared that it was not his custom 
to open letters which were directed to the king of Portugal, 
nor to make trial of the ambassadors who were on their way 
to him ; but he would dispatch" him on his journey imme- 
diately, so that he might make the passage in the ships 
which were just on the point of sailing for Portugal. And 
in order that this Wood of the True Cross might go with 
greater ceremony and reverence before the king, Afonso 
Dalboquerque ordered a casket of gold to be made for its 
reception. And as he was now very anxious to set out on 
his journey for the Straits, he sent this ambassador to 
Jorge de Melo Pereira, captain of Cananor, with orders to 
grant him a passage in the ship of Bernaldim Freire, or 
of Francisco Pereira, whichever was best suited for him, 
and to supply him with everything necessary for his 

But at Cananor the captain and everybody held this am- 
bassador to be a buffoon and a spy sent by the Grand 
Sultan ; therefore, no sooner had Bernaldim Freire, in whose 
ship he took his passage, set sail, than he received very bad 
treatment at that captain's hands, and at Mozambique, 
where the ship watered, he was even put in irons by advice 
of Francisco Pereira, and they did many other things 

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(thinking thereby to injure Afonso Dalboquerque), which I 
will not repeat now, because they are dead. 1 

And when they arrived at this kingdom of Portugal, 
although Bernaldim Freire, with the hopes of justifying 
what he had done, said a great many terribly bad things 
against the ambassador, notwithstanding all, the king D. 
Manuel, in accordance with Afonso Dalboquerque* s letters, 
gave him a very good reception, and always treated him in 
the manner due to an ambassador. And when the ambas- 
sador himself had lodged his complaints with the king con- 
cerning the treatment which he had experienced at the 
hands of Bernaldim Freire and Francisco Pereira, the king 
ordered that these men should be thrown into prison in 
Lisbon Castle, and there they remained until the ambas- 
sador set out for India, well provided, and in company of 
D. Rodrigo de Lima, who was sent by the king D. Manuel, 
as ambassador to the Prestes João. And when Diogo Lopez 
de Sequeira, 3 Governor of India, was entering the Straits 
with a fleet, and just going into Maçua, 8 Mateus the am- 
bassador died, but D. Rodrigo proceeded upon his embassy, 
whereof I do not give any account, because it did not take 
place in the time of Afonso Dalboquerque. And in these 
same ships which made their voyage to Portugal that year, 

1 These actions, which are so magnanimously passed over unrecorded 
by the author of the Commentaries are thus clearly described by Corrêa. 

" meterão o embaixador em ferros, e lhe dormirão com as molheres, e 

esbofetearão e depenarão as barbas, defamando que era truão, falso, e 
espia do Turqp, que Afonso Dalboquerque que nom o soubera conhecer, 
e o queria fazer embaixador do Preste com euganos per EIRey por se 
fazer grandioso, 11 etc. — Page 327. 

• Diogo Lopez de Sequeira, whose portrait is given, from Goa, by 
Pedro Barreto de Resende, in Sloau. MS., 197, p. 15, succeeded Lopo 
Soarez de Aluergaria [the successor of Afonso Dalboquerque] in a.d. 
1518, and gave place in 1521 to Dom Duarte de Menezes. For some 
biographical memoranda of this governor the reader is referred to the 
above MS., and vol ii, pp. 31, 45. 

8 Maçua, on the African side ; see Map, vol. i, p. 80. 

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BRIT. MUS., SLOAN E MS. 197, fol.o 15. 
P. Barretto de Resende's Portrait,^ t 


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there came an ambassador from the king of Ormuz, of 
which I will make mention in his place. 


Of the arrival of D. Garcia de Noronha at Cochim ; and how, after 
settling the order in which the vessels were to be arranged, and dis- 
patching the ships which were to sail to Portugal during that year 
with their ladings, he set sail for Calicut with all his fleet, and what 
took place there. 

D. Garcia de Noronha having arrived at Cochim, and 
having given orders to the vessels concerning the cargo 
which they were to carry that year to Portugal, and arranged 
those which he was to take with him, set sail for Calicut 
with all his fleet; and when he got in front of the city 
harbour, the prince, brother of the Çamorim (who was 
friendly to us), sent word to say that his brother the Çamorim 
was desirous of being at peace with the king of Portugal, 
and would be happy to grant a site in Calicut for the erec- 
tion of a fortress, and would pay him tribute. Neverthe- 
less, on account of the delays and artifices which had been 
practised upon Simão Rangel, D. Garcia would not give any 
reply to the proposals, but went on with the war, and 
blockaded the coast in such a manner that not one ship of 
all those which were ready laden to sail for the Straits 
ventured out ; and there he remained during the whole of 
the month of January, until Afonso Dalboquerque wrote to 
him to quit the coast and come away, disclosing to him 
secretly how he intended to sail into the Straits of the Red 
Sea, whereby they would be more certainly enabled to cap- 
ture those ships with all their, goods than at Calicut. 

Às soon as D. Garcia received this intelligence from his 
uncle he quitted the coast and proceeded to Cochim, and 
prepared all the ships which were already repaired, and set 

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sail with them, and reached Goa on the tenth of February, 
and gave an account to Afonso Dalboquerque of all that 
had passed with the Çamorim, and declared how, at the 
last moment, the prince of Calicut had written him a letter 
wherein he stated that the Çamorim was sorry that he had 
not come to terms of peace with him, and was now willing 
to grant him the site he had requested for the erection of 
the fortress, but up to the present time he had not so 
granted it, because the Moors who were settled in Cairo 
had prevented him ; and he had not carried on the matter 
any further because of his recall. 

At the receipt of this information, Afonso Dalboquerque 
waited at Goa for four or five days, and dispatched Fran- 
cisco Nogueira with instructions (for it was the will of the 
king D. Manuel that if a fortress were built in Calicut he 
was to become the captain of it, and Gonçalo Mendez was to 
be the factor), that both these should go and conclude this 
business, because of his earnest desire to set his foot in 
Calicut. And Afonso Dalboquerque further commanded 
them on no account to accept any site for the fortress unless 
it were within the reef in front of their landing pier, in the 
harbour pool; and gave him letters for the captains and 
officials of Cochim and Cananor containing orders for them 
to contribute everything that was required for the work. 

Francisco Nogueira having thus taken his leave of Afonso 
Dalboquerque set sail for Cochim to make his preparations, 
and delivered his letters to the captain and the king's 
officers ; and from that port he sailed for Calicut to set to 
work about the construction of the fortress in accordance 
with the instructions which he had received from Afonso 
Dalboquerque. But when the Çamorim knew that Afonso 
Dalboquerque had sailed away from Goa, and that there 
was not sufficiently strong a fleet left on the coast to pre- 
vent ten ships from setting forth laden with pepper for the 
Straits, he temporised with Francisco Nogueira and length- 

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ened out the negotiations with complimentary communica- 
tions. And Francisco, finding he was deceived by the Çamo- 
rim, returned at length to Goa, and remained there, waiting 
for the return of Afonso Dalboquerque ; and, after he had 
set sail, the Moorish ships which had their cargoes on board 
ventured out and began their voyage, but when they had 
gone so far on their course as the latitude of Çacotorá to- 
wards Cape Guardafum, a squall struck them, of so tempes- 
tuous a character, that some foundered, and others ran be- 
fore it and tried to put in to some of the ports of Cambaya 
as far back as Dabul. And when Afonso Dalboquerque 
came from the Straits, cruising along that coast, he captured 
them all, and took them into Goa ; and at the loss of these 
ships the merchant Moors of Calicut were utterly ruined. 


How the great Afonso Dalboquerque gave an account to the captains 
and officers of the King concerning the letter which the King had 
written to him respecting the surrender of Goa to the Hidalcão, and 
what was agreed to in this behalf. 

When these affairs were over, the great Afonso Dalbo- 
querque ordered an assembly of all the Captains, and cer- 
tain of those Fidalgoes who were more anciently connected 
with India, and the king's officers, and to each one separately 
he caused an oath upon the Holy Evangelists to be admi- 
nistered, that they would not divulge to anyone that which 
he desired to unfold to them ; then he declared to them how 
some days ago he had received from the King D. Manuel a 
letter ordering him to discuss with them whether it were to 
the good of his service that Goa should be maintained or 
not, but as a heavy press of business had occupied his 
attention ever since the arrival of the letter, he had not 
given them any account of it, nor of certain articles, sent 

vol. in. s 

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to him also, which, in his opinion, were the work of Gaspar 
Pereira, Lourenço Moreno, Antonio Real, and Diogo Pereira, 
for he had long ago observed that they, not being pleased 
with the war, were engaged in these underhand tricks and 
conspiracies; and, inasmuch as he was of opinion that it 
would be very prejudicial to the estate and credit of the 
king to hold a public council over this matter, he had 
thought right to hold it in such a manner as would be least 
injurious to the king's service, and therefore he begged 
them of their goodwill to inspect the articles — which he 
there and then laid before them — and to write to His High- 
ness what their opinions were concerning this matter, in 
order that he might send back their answers in the ships 
which were just about to start on the voyage to Portugal. 

Letter from the great Afonso Dalboquerqub to the 

King of Portugal concerning the maintenance of 

Portuguese power in Goa. 

" Sire, I captured Goa, because your Highness ordered 
me to do so, and the Marshal 1 had orders to take it in his 
instructions ; I took it also because it was the headquarters 
of the league which was set on foot in order to cast us out 
of India ; and if the fleet which the Turks had prepared in 
Goa river (with a large force of men, artillery, and arms, 
specially assembled for this object) had pushed forward, and 
the fleet of the Bumes had come at this juncture, as they 
had expected, without doubt I should have been utterly dis- 
comfited ; yea, even if ever so great a fleet had come from 
Portugal they would not have allowed it to make good its 
arrival in the country. But when once Goa was conquered, 
everything else was at our command without any further 
trouble, and when Goa was taken, that one victory alone did 
more for the advancement of Your Highness* prestige than 

1 D. Fernando Coutinho ; see vol. u, chap. xiii. 

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all the fleets which have come to India daring the last 
fifteen years. And if Your Highness, in deference to the 
opinions of those who have written' this advice to you, 
thinks it possible to secure your dominions in these parts by 
means of the fortresses of Gochim and Cananor, it is im- 
possible ; for, if once Portugal should suffer a reverse at 
sea, your Indian possessions have not power to hold out a 
day longer than the kings of the land choose to suffer it ; 
for if one of our men take anything by force from a native, 
immediately they raise the drawbridge and shut the gates 
of the fortress ; and this causes Your Highness not to be 
Lord of the Land, as of Goa, for in this territory the injury 
which is done to Moors or to Portuguese does not reach 
beyond the Captain of the Portress. Justice is yours, and 
yours the arm, yours the sword, and in the hand of your 
Captain-General reposes the punishment, and before him 
lies the remedy for the complaint of every one ; and if to- 
day there be any improvement in regard to the obedience 
shewn by the natives of the land, it is plainly to be referred 
to the fact that the taking of Goa keeps India in repose 
and quiet; and the fact that the island has so frequently 
been attacked by the Turks, as those who wrote to Your 
Highness assert, and so valiantly defended by the Portu- 
guese, enhances the credit which the progress of affairs in 
these parts deserves. And I have so completely disheart- 
ened the members of the league against us, that the King 
of Cambaya, powerful prince as he is, lost no time in send- 
ing to me his Ambassadors, and restoring to me all the 
Cavaliers and Fidalgoes who were shipwrecked 1 with D. 
Afonso de Noronha, my nephew, on their voyage from 
Çacotorá, without my sending to ask this of him, and even 
offered me permission to build a fortress in Diu, 2 a matter 

1 See vol. ii, p. 211. 

* For a coloured plan, and description of the extensive fortifications 
made by the Portuguese in later times at Diu, see Pedro Barreto de 

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of such immense importance that even now I can hardly 
believe it ; and I am now importuned by the Çamorim. of 
Calicut, who desires to grant me a site to build a fortress 
in his city, and is willing to pay a yearly tribute to the 
Crown. All this is the result of our holding Goa, without 
my waging war upon any of these princes. 

"And I hold it to be free from doubt, that if fortresses be 
built in Diu and Calicut (as I trust in Our Lord they will 
be) — when once they have been well fortified, if a thousand 
of the Sultan's ships were to make their way to India, not 
one of these places could be brought again under his domi- 
nion. But if those of your council understood Indian affairs 
as I do, they would not fail to be aware that Your Highness 
cannot be loud over so extensive a territory as India by 
placing all your power and strength in your marine only (a 
policy at once doubtful and full of serious inconveniences) ; 
for this, and not to build fortresses, is the very thing which 
the Moors of these lands wish you to do, for they know 
well that a dominion founded on a navy alone cannot last, 
and they desire to live on their estates and property, and 
to carry their spiceries to the ancient and customary mar- 
kets which they maintain, but they are unwilling to be sub- 
ject to Your Highness, neither will they trade or be "on 

Resende's MS., Sloan. 197, ff. 166 et seq. Mr. T. W. H. Tolbort, in his 
paper on "The Portuguese Settlements in India'' (Proc. Axiat. Soc., 
Bengal, June 1874, p. 131), says Did is the most interesting of all the 
Portuguese settlements after Goa, but the one least known to English- 
men, as it lies so out of the way. The passage from Daman to Did in a 
sailing vessel takes, on an average, three or four days. The island of 
Did lies to the south of Káthíwár. Its length from east to west is about 
seven miles j its average width from north to south scarcely a mile. It 
is separated from the mainland by a narrow arm of .the sea, the eastern 
access to which is easy for ships of considerable burden, while the 
western access is obstructed by shallows. A portion of the Portuguese 
territory, including the village of Gogola, lies on the north of the inlet 
adjoining the mainland. The fortress or citadel of Diú, built by the 
Portuguese in 1Õ35, a formidable and imposing structure, is at the ex- 

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friendly terms with you. And if they will not have any of 
these things, how is it likely that they will be pleased to 
see ns establishing ourselves in this city of Goa, and 
strengthening its defences, and Your Highness lord of so 
important a port and bar as this is, and not labour with all 
their might to hinder us from accomplishing our intentions f 
And if it seems a hard matter to those who have written 
about this to Your Highness that the recovery of Goa 
should have been so many times attempted, how much 
harder must it have been to gain the country from so 
powerful a king as the Hidalcão, lord of so many armies, 
who is not likely to refrain from straining every nerve to 
recover the possession of it and striking a decisive blow at 
our prestige, if he could do so ? And whenever any one of 
bis captains shall come up against this city, are we to sur- 
render it immediately without first of all measuring our 
forces against him ? If this be so, Your Highness may as 
well leave India to the Moors, and seek to maintain your 
position therein with such extraordinary outlays and ex- 
penses on the navy, in ships as rotten as cork, only kept 
afloat by four pumps in each of them. 

"As for the extraordinary expenses connected with the 
maintenance of Goa, of which these idle fellows write to 

treme east or north-east point of the island. The fortifications are con- 
structed of stone dug in the island, and the town or Praça is intersected 
by the numerous quarries thus excavated. The stone somewhat re- 
sembles the laterite of the Malabar coast, but is darker in colour and 
much stronger in substance. Three great events have made Dili memor- 
able in the history of Portuguese India: — 1. The death of King Baha- 
dur of Cambay, followed by the siege of Diu, in 1537-8. 2. The second 
siege of Inú, in 1546. 3. The sack of Diu by Arabs from Maskat, in 
1668. The two former are amongst the most glorious incidents of Por- 
tuguese history, and may be compared to the defence of Arkát or to that 
of Lakhnau in the history of British India. The third event was a sad 
contrast to the two former, and, with other contemporary disasters, 
marked the decadence of Portuguese power. Corrêa has preserved a 
sketch of the fortress in his days, about 1561. 

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Your Highness, the mere dross of India is so great, that if 
the Portuguese possessions be properly farmed by your 
officers, the revenue from them alone would suffice to repay 
a great part of these expenses to which we are put, and if 
they say that the reason why I desire to keep possession of 
Goa is because it was I who took it, Your Lordship may 
rest assured that if I were a Portuguese of such a character 
as they are, I would be the first, if you ordered me to 
destroy it, to put the pickaxe into the walls, and to fire 
the barrel of gunpowder under the keep, 1 if only for the 
pleasure of seeing the cards of the game of India shuffled 
for a new deal ; 2 but as long as I live, and while it remains 
my duty to send an account to Your Highness of Indian 
affairs, Goa must not be dismantled, for I would not that 
my enemies should exult in the contemplation of any serious 
disaster to this estate; and I must sustain it at my own 
cost, until they get their wishes and another Governor be 
sent to rule over it. 

" If this that I say does not agree with the ideas of some 
of those who are half-hearted about this matter of Goa, 
Your Highness may know for certain that as yet there is 
one man who is governing it : and old and weak as I am, I 
will accept the government of this conquered territory at 
Your Highness's hands, if it may be permitted me to confer 
the lands of the Moors upon the Cavaliers and Fidalgoes 
who have assisted me to gain them. But do not require 
of me every year an account of what I am doing as if I 
were a taxgatherer, because four ill-mannered fellows, who 
sit at home like idols in their pagodas, have borne false 
witness against me ; but honour me, and thank me, for I 
shall be happy to complete this enterprise, and spend what 
little I have upon it : and, in conclusion, all that I have to 
say is, that if Your Highness either now or at any other 

1 Torre de menagem. 

9 Por tal que este jogo da India se tornasse a baralha. 

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time surrender Goa to the Turks, then plainly Our Lord 
desires that the Portuguese dominion in India should come 
to an end ; x and, as for me, Tour Highness may be sure 
that, so long as I am Governor, although I be put to much 
trouble, I shall not at any rate send you painted pictures of 
fictitious places, but rather kingdoms taken by force of arms 
from their masters, and fortified by me in such a manner 
that they may give a good account of themselves in all time. 
"This is my opinion concerning this question of Goa, 
which Your Highness commanded me to discuss with its 
captains and officers." 

Articles which thes King sent to Afonso Dalboquebque 


"That Goa was very unhealthy, and was the cause of 
unnecessary expense, of no use except to give trouble to 
the soldiers. 

" That therein there must always be a continued war, for 
the Hidalcfto was so powerful, that he would be sure to try 
his utmost to recover it, because it was the capital of his 

" That the revenues of the mainland, upon which Afonso 
Dalboquerque laid great importance, were impossible to be 

1 Compare these sentiments with the peculiar ideas of a writer who 
has lately visited Goa : — " Portuguese India is, thank Heaven, only a 
strip of about seventy miles long which they would do much better to 
sell to the British Government ; for of all the God-forgotten, deserted 
holes, one thousand years behind the rest of Creation, I have never seen 
anything to equal Goa. Do not let the residents who read this fancy 
that I am touching them in any way. I only remember them as charming, 
kindly, gentle, hospitable people, whom I pitied for having to live there. 
I have lived in sandy deserts, and in primaeval forests, and have suffered 
hunger and thirst, cold and heat, fatigue, privations, and danger, and 
thought it charming ; but 1 hated the life at Goa. It is dead, and no- 
thing rewards one." — Arabia, Egypt, India, by Isabel Burton. London, 
1879, p. 300. 

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collected, except by maintaining a great number of people 
with heavy expenses for collection of this revenue, because 
the Hidalcâo himself could not collect them without the 
assistance of a large army. 

" That the Hidalcâo would be glad to agree to any pro- 
posal, and become tributary to His Highness, provided that 
Goa were restored to him." 

After all had examined these articles, they wrote to the 
king that they were amazed at His Highness desiring to 
surrender, in pursuance of the advice of men who had never 
donned a suit of armour for the sake of experiencing the 
trouble it would involve, a place so commodious and so 
important to his cause as Goa, which had been acquired at 
the cost of so much Portuguese blood. When the king read 
the letter of Afonso Dalboquerque, and the opinion of the 
captains, he wrote in reply that he considered it of great 
importance to retain Goa, and thanked him very much for 
the way in which he had conducted this matter. And as 
soon as the Turks had been cast out of Benestarij, a feeling 
of relief gradually came over Goa, and the city began to 
flourish, and those who had written to the king advising its 
demolition became very much ashamed of ever having 
written such a thing. And it was on this account that 
Afonso Dalboquerque often used to say that he deserved 
more thanks from the King D. Manuel for defending Goa 
for him against the Portuguese, than he did for capturing 
it on two occasions from the Turks. 

End of the Third Part. 

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Sloane Manuscript, 197. 


A fortalleza de Mallaqua esta plantada na costa oriental F - 383 < 
de Iuntana entre ho rio Panagim, e Muar em altura de 
doas grãos e vinte menutos da Banda do Norte foj conquis- 
tada e fundada pello insigne Afonso de Albuquerque em 
quinze de Agosto de mil quinhetos e onze esta oje feyta 
Cidade que tem a fortalleza dentro, e a Cidade sercada de 
hum muro de pedra e cal de altura de vinte pés e a largura 
com essa embayxo em doze e arremata emsima em sete pal- 
mos. Tem seis balluartes em que entra ho que chama Cou- 
rassa cada hum chamado com o nome que nelles estam 
escritos. Todos os muros com seus parapeytos; e cada 
balluarte tem de prassa vinte passos. E o que chama Madre 
de D[eo]s a tem dobrada de man[ei]ra que apenas pode ser de- 
fendido e lanado dos mais Balluartes: o sircuyto de todo 
este muro he de quinhentos e doze passos entrando também 
ho lugar que ocupam os Balluartes : do Balluarte do Ospi- 
tal athe Sam Domingos ha contramnro e do de Sanctiago 
athe Madre de Deos com entulho no meo ficando tudo de 
largura de catorze palmos, a artilharia que ha nestes Ballu- 
artes sam quarenta e huma pessas de doze athe quarenta e 
quatro li uras de pillouro de ferro. Todas sam de bronze, 
tirado noue que sam de ferro pêra a qual hâ bastante poluora 


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e monisõis nos almazeis de sua Mag*?, destas, estam lan- 
sadas no chã doze das grossas, sem repayros dedicadas pêra 
bo forte da ilha das naos que se esta fazendo, e também 
estam algumas das outras pessas rebentadas = 

Os cazados branquos que hâ nesta Cidade sam duzentos 
sinquenta, os quaes teram dous mil negros catiuos de dife- 
rentes nasõis, que todos sam de armas, e as tem bastantes 
pêra elles: porque raro he ho cazado que nam tem seu 
cabide de lansas, e sete, oyto, e des mosquetes ou espingar- 
das de pederneyra com monisõis bastantes para ellas : porem 
destes duzentos e sinquenta cazados branquos, os cento 
viuem da outra bando do rio que chama a banda de Malla- 
qua. A respeyto de ho piqueno sircuyto qua fica dentro 
nos muros estarem três Gonuentos que ho ocupam quazi 
todo ; o de Sam Paulo, Sam Domingos, e Sancto Agostinho 
e viuem os ditos cazados em cazas de palha arriscados a 
hum jnsendio = He esta banda muy fresca de pumares, e 
ortas de diuersos fruytos = Viuem fora de Mallaqua muytos 
cazados Christãos da terra todos muy boa gente de armas e 
as tem de toda sorte particullarmente espingardas porque 
tira com ellas muyto bem. Estes em toda ocaziâ de gerra 
sam muy prestes e dellegentes: os mais delles anda buscando 
sua vida : sam tatn arriscados que por muy pouco dão com 
hum cris pel la barriga ferida que tem pouco, ou nenhuma 
cura porque alem de serem estas armas pella mayor parte 
de pessonha, o modo de seu feytio acollebrinado mostra bem 
o dano que fará, alem de que a pesonha basta so tirar sange 
para matar. 

A fortalleea que esta dentro nesta Cidade onde viue o 
Capitam he hum a torre de sinquo sobrados, e no segundo 
viue o Capitã em huma caza de quadro como ho he a torre 
que tem cada pano de parede vinte passos. Nos outros 
f. 383». agazalha o Capitã ospedes e se tem a poluora. No primeiro se 
guardauã quatro mil candís de arroz que agora nã hâ. Tem 
huma serca de muro da mesma altura do da cidade e largura. 

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Ao liuel do segundo sobrado da torre vã correndo humas 
cazas onde se agazalha a famillía do dito capitã. Nã ha aquy 
artilharia mais que a referida que fica nos Balluartes = =. 
Tem esta Cidade a renda do hum por sento aplicada pêra as 
obras da fortificassã, que no tocante hâs do muro estam ja aca- 
badas. O Rey da terra dentro onde esta esta fortaleza de 
Mallaqua he ho Bey de Jor e Pam, e grande amigo dos Por- 
tuguezes, he senhor de mais de çem legoas de costa, e nã 
se estende muy to pella terra dentro ; no mar he tãbem sen- 
hor de hua corda de ilhas que hâ neste destrito a mayor 
parte delias abitadas ; a gente sam Malayos, a ley que pro- 
fessa he de Mouros o poder que tem hê de athe doze mil 
homes de armas, e briga com artilharia, mosquetes, aza- 
gayas, paos tostados que chama salligas, espadas, rodelas, 
arcos, e frechas : crises de que se tem feyto mensã, e som- 
pitas que sã huas frechas piqueninas de pessonha que metem 
em zaruatanas e tiram com asopro cõ ellas e basta tirare 
sangue para matarem loguo : Christandade nã hâ nas suas 
terras. E pello Rio asima de Mallaqua tem os cazados delia 
muytos e muy frescas ortas cõ mnyta diuersidade de fruytas 
que has hâ nesta terra muy boas alem de toda a sorte das 
que se dam na índia muytas outras ; e he muy to para notar 
que com esta cidade estar quazi debayxo da linha he de 
ares muy sadia o de aquas exsellentes, e muy fresca e fértil 
de tudo ho que lhe semeã: onde choue quazi todos os 
dias e noytes= Tem os cazados de Mallaqua muytas legoas 
de terra de que sã senhores. De huma banda athe o 
Cabo Rachado e da outra athe o Rio Fermozo,' e também 
muytas legoas pella sertã, porem tudo despouoado sem 
quem ho cultiue, sendo terras muy fertis e que dera muyto 
arroz = Confina pella terra dentro cõ hos Manam cabos 
Mouros de huma terra que chama Rindo, vassallos delRey 
de Pã, e junto delles estam sin quo ou seis mil também 
dos mesmos Mouros Manancabos, vassallos de sua Mag d . e 
que tem hum Português cazado em Mallaqua que hos go- 

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uerna, que chama Tamungam, offissio que da ho Vizorrey : 
a este obedessem : e morrendo algummo Mouro destes sem 
filhos erda-o este Tamungam, e tendo-os se conserta cõ 
elles : de todas as couzas que julga tem des por cento. Oje 
serne hum Português em vida este offissio = Laura estes 
Mouros grandes terras de que se sustenta e particular- 
mente com muyto betre : compra Callaym aos da terra den- 
tro que vem trazer a Mallaqua= O Rio desta Cidade e porto 
de Mallaqua he de agoa dosse de hum tiro de pedra de lar- 
gura : de bayxamar tem ho canal da barra palmo e meo de 
agoa e em conjunsã de agoas viuas so quatro dedos que 
apenas cobre a vaza de que he o fundo = e de preamar em 
agoas viuas huma brasa e quatro palmos ; e em mortas de 
sinquo para seis palmos, e logo pouqua distansia pêra sima 
vay estreytando e tem quatro e três brassas e em partes o 
f. 384. seu fundo sera de huma sem faltar em vazantes nem en- 
chentes de maré : Tem muytos lagartos grandes e carnisey- 
ros por cuja cauza e ser de vaza se nam vadea= Por este 
Rio e terra dentro ha muytas ortas assy de cazados Portu- 
guezes como dos da terra em que viuem com suas famillias 
laurando as terras cõ grande proveyto= ha muytos tigres 
que antigamente erã muy carniseyros e depois que hum 
bispo os excomungou ho nã sam tanto : Todos estes cazados 
tem suas armas = Mea legoa pollo Rio asima seatrauessa de 
noyte ho mesmo Rio cõ hum pao prezo em huma cadea e 
fechado cõ hum cadeado ao pee de huma guarita onde 
asiste hum Português que a Cidade proue e lhe paga cada 
mes seis cruzados por não leuarem nem* trazerem fazenda 
defeza has nãos grandes que fica, aynda ao mar da ilha das 
nãos: a cujo respeyto se tem mandado fazer hum forte nesta 
ilha, a qual esta nft bem de fronte da Cidade senft hum pouco 
perabayxo distansia de mil e quinhentos passos da Cidade, 
e o canal que vay pello meo he piqueno, e nft capas de em- 
barcasõis grandes, de bayxamar fica cõ muy pouca agoa e 
fundo de vaza : — Também fica outra restinga de area mais ao 

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mar e entre ella e a ilha ha canal de seis brassas a ilha he maia 
cõprida qne larga ves e mea : terá em roda sessenta brassas 
quazi da figura de huma ferradura de cauallo. Tem hum 
outeyro leuantado montuoso quatro pera sinquo brassas = 
O forte que se fas aquy pera que ja está fey tos aliserses he 
couza piquena de trinta passos de prassa em quadro pera 
que esta separada a dita artilharia : o effeyto pera que se 
fas he para defender as embarcasõis grandes que nâ podem 
estar a sombra da artilharia da fortalleza e nã tem oje mais 
que hos aliserses fi can dose ajuntando todos os materiais em 
Mallaqna pera se acabar todo de huma ves : porque indo se 
fazendo pouco a pouquo o pode vir senhorear o enemigo e 
huma ves ocupado por elle sera de grande detrimento a 
Mallaqua= = = 

A ponte que se mostra na planta tem dous pegõis cada 
hum de dous brassas e mea de altura, e de outro tanto de 
comprido e cõ muy pouca largura cõ que se nft pode cuydar 
hos que algus praticauft de serem estes pegõis couza donde 
se pudesse offender a Mallaqua : a ponte que esta em sima 
delles he de madeyros grandes e fortes que cadaues que se 
quizer cortar se pode fazer = = dos soldados do prezidio se 
tiram todos os annos sinquenta athe sesenta pera andarem 
embarcados em três, quatro, athe sinquo jaleas que andam 
de armada nesta costa sayndo em Mayo a Pulopinã ou 
aonde se determina, a esperar os couzas de Goa para auisar 
aonde esta os enemigos, e ajudar o liurar : e em setembro 
a Junsalã a esperar as de Negapatam, sam Thome, e também 
de Goa : e em dezembro ao estrey to de Sincapura a esperar 
as da China, e Manilla pera ho mesmo fim = Ao Capitam 
Mor se da huma ajuda de custo de çem cruzados : e nam se 
da aos soldados e capitais das jalleas por se embarcarem 
quartel nenhum senã so se-lhe-pagam os mantimentos com- 
que todos se dam por satisfeytos = e sam as capitanias das 
jalleas muy cobissadas e pretendidas porque susede muytas 
vezes nas muytas perdisõis que hos Olandezes cauzam has 

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nossas embarcasõis que vã de todas as partes leuarem as 
f. 38». jaleas o melhor e ho pior hê que sem bo tornarem a seus 
donos, o que susede particullarmente no que vem da China 
pella muyta vallia do que saluam que he ouro, sedas, e ai ra is- 
car: e também se nam pode negar que saluã estas jaleas 
muytas embarcasõis e fazendas : mas conuem muyto an- 
darem em pessoas muy desynteressadas, ou ao menos de 
boa consiensia que tam raramente se acha em soldados = Os 
mais gastos que fazem as jalleas sam de marinheyros porque 
trazem de sinquenta pêra sima a respeyto de remarem vinte 
e três por banda, hum mais ou menos, a fora os dous que 
gouernam a popa e proa, leuando tâobem algus de sobrese- 
lente pellosque podem adoeser ou cansar, dasse a cada ma- 
rínheyro huma para de arros que he pouco mais de hum 
alqueyre cada mes e hum cruzado de quatrocentos e sesenta 
rés todo o tempo que andam embarcados = e como huma 
jalea destas he de sinquoenta palmos de comprido pouco mais 
ou menos = e de menos de sinquo de largo, e quatro de 
altura de pontal, remada cõ quarenta e seis remos, fica a 
mais ligeyra embarcassft que anda no mar ; que para auisos, 
socorros, e se poderem desuiar dos enemigos, seruetn muy 
bem ; e quantas mais ouverft milhor seruisso fizeram = 
Manda se também algumas outras embarcasõis de Mallaqua 
com algus auizos como Bantis muyto mais piquenos que 
jallêas que nam fazem gasto mais que ho dos marinheyros 
que fica dito e os mantimentos dos soldados que como em terra 
lhos pagã tam poucas vezes se embarca por elles com muyta 
vontade ; porque também quando as vezes se vam a alguma 
parte como a Pêra e outros portos guanhar hum quartel dos 
mercadores, nem por isso sam lansados do presidio, nem 
deyxa de se-lhes-dar a sua paga, senam se entretanto la 
anda Tefes ; porque de outra sorte nenhum soldado aturara 
na fortaleza com tam poucas pagas delRey sendo huma terra 
tam cara : e antes se pode estranhar auer aynda assy solda- 
dos que asistam nella = = =. 

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Ham a couza se pode referir das molheres cazadas desta 
terra de grande louuor, e hê que nenhuma pede a sea marido 
nada pêra ho gasto de sua caza que he ho conduto ; porque 
ellas por sy ho buscam com couzas que fazem pêra comer, 
que sam as estallageis que hâ nesta Cidade o que de ordi- 
nário andam suas escrauas vendendo pellas ruas = e logo 
desde pequeninas as vá suas mãnis criando neste exersisio 
de maneyra que nã ha filha nenhuma em caza de seu pay 
que nam tenha seu cabedal também separado porá isto : e 
assy quando na índia se nã resseam tanto filhas a respeyto 
de hos homes andarem muy de sem parados e se acomodare 
com muy poucos dotes pessoas muy beneméritas ; Tem este 
Vzo mayor forsa nesta terra pellas rezOis apontadas = = =. 

As fazendas que hà nesta fortalleza de Mallaqua qnanto 
has que produze a terra sam muy poucas ; e muy tas as que 
vem de fora. As que ha na terra sam a prinsipal Callaym 
algumas pedras bazares e de porquoespim aguilla braua. O 
que tudo vem da terra dentro, e algum japam que he hum 
pao vermelho pêra tintas pouquo menos que ho do Brazil; 
e vem lhe todas as drogas do sul e fazendas da China 
e também as roupas de Çambaya e costa de Choraman- 
del e ahy as hift buscar todas as nasõis do sul a troco de 
fazendas que trazia, com que ficaua sendo o comersio muy 
grande, e nft menos os rendimentos o que esta quazi de 
todo extinto : porque nenhumas ou raras sam as nasõis que f. 
vem a Mallaqua a buscar nada : tendo tudo o que ha mister 
nos olandezes = mas aynda cõ este pouco se fazem viageis 
para muytas partes de Mallaqua = As prinsipais sam para 
a China, Manilla, Cochim China = e as de menos porte sam 
para Patane, como Sião esta oje de gerra: e quando nft, 
se nauega muy ordinariamente pêra Camboja, Champa e 
pêra todas estas partes se nauega pêra o sul que comessa a 
ventar em Mallaqua de vinte da Abril athe todo Agosto : o 
que se leua pêra estas partes he ho seguinte === Para Patane 
roupas assy de Cambaya como de toda a costa de Chora- 

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mandei que sejam a seu modo porque cada nassa do sul tem 
seu modo de roupas = e de Patane se trazem pataquas, 
algum ouro, boas pedras bazares, arros, carnes, legumes, 
asucar preto de cana, azey tes, e todo o género de mantimen- 
tos, has milhores gallinhas e capõis de todo o sul. 

Este reyno de Patane nã se gouerna senã por molher por 
costume muy antigo: Esta cento e sinquoenta legoas de 
Mallaqua por Costa e assy se pode vir por ella sem mousã 
de norte : particullarmente em baios que sam como nauios 
darmada nã tam compridos mas de mais bojo cõ dons mas- 
tros e seus remos com dous lemes que chama Gamudes ; e 
em galles Malayos que sam menores que as nossas Panche- 
lõis que nã sam gales, nem balôs, e mais paressem ballos 
que gualles, cO seus remos, e Bantis do tamanho de huma 
Manchua grandemente ligeyros com remos e dous mastros : 
que sã hos em que mais ordinariamente se nauega na costa 
de Mallaqua com marinheyros Malayos de Malaqua Chris- 
tãos que leuam suas espingardas e panellas de poluora =. 

De Camboja onde hâ igreja e padres da Companhia, e o 
Rey muyto amigo dos Portuguezes, e hà muyta madeyra 
de Angellim muyto grossa, se trás muyto bom Bejoim 
amendoado muyta bom lacre de formiga : Muyto arros 
milhor e mais barato que ho de Bengalla ; a mayor parte da 
gente que aquy asiste sam Japõis Chris tãos, e Chinas Val- 
haquos que lansaram de Manilha os Castellanos peresses, ou 
elles fogirã ; e assy sam hos mayores enemigos que temos : 
ha tãbem neste reyno muyto Callamba e aguilla = Na 
costa de Champa hâ dous ou três portos a que vam os Por- 
tugueses comersear, leuã boyõis pretos da China, e algum 
fio de ouro ; e resgata pao preto muyto mayor e milhor que 
ho de Mosambique : hâ aqui Igreja e Christandade cõ hum 
padre da Companhia =. 

Esta adiante o reyno de Cochim China e antes de entrar 
em seu porto junto delle esta huma Ilha donde os padres da 
Companhia tem Christandade que se chama Pullo Cambim : e 

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entrando no dito porto tem nelle os ditos padres Igreja e 

Alem da dita Ilha = hâ dons portos neste reyno onde 
comerseã os portuguezes : hum em que esta O Rey : e outro 
que chama Turam. Tem muyto milhor a colheyta que ne- 
nhum outro; leua se pêra estes portos muytas roupas de 
sua sorte (oje esta o contrato por la quebrado pellas forsas 
do Capita de Mallaqua, e assy nam se vay la senã da China). 
Vem do dito reyno alguma calamba, e muyta aguilla, muyta 
cantidade de cobre que trazem Malayos e Japòis = =. As 
mais breues viagèis que se faze de Mallaqua sam pêra Pam f. ssm. 
que he hum porto oy tenta legoas de Mallaqua do dito Rey * 
muyto amigo dos Portuguezes que ho he também de Jor e 
das ilhas marítimas = a este porto nauegam de Malaqua 
todos sem proybesã, leuã lhe roupas e anfiam, e de la trazem 
ouro em poo da mesma terra e em moeda, pedras Bazares, e 
de porquoespim, muyto arros, aguilla da costa, e algumas 
drogas que hos naturais do sul lhe trazem per nam querer 
vir a Malaqua =. Ha na mesma terra mais dous rios do 
mesmo Rey : onde se vay comersear e selleua e trás o mes- 
mo = de fronte ao mar esta a Ilha de Pulo Timã piquena 
montuoza, e muyto pouoada de Malayos: hâ nella muyta 
Cassa de pombos : hus animais como corsas muyto bons e 
gordos que chama Palandos: muyto bom peyxe fresco: 
ribeyras de agoa exsellente ; muytos figos ; e breu = o 
fundo junto delia he de Vinte e sinquo brassas da banda de 
terra = da ponta da Romania pêra dentro esta o porto de 
Jor que ja se vay pouoando outra ves, em que se fazem oje 
muytos galles e outras embarcasOis : hâ nelle muyto manti- 
mento, aguilla, e breu=. 

Da outra banda naquella corda das ilhas de Bintam = esta 
a cidade de Bintam outra ves pouoada de nouo cõ muyta 
gente e muytas fortificasõis por amor de Achem. Deste 
Rey de Jor o Pam ha outras Ilhas per aquy pouoadas, de 
pouca considerasft, e nellas mesmas junto ao estreyto de 

vol. III. u 

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Sincapura esta o porto de Bulla muyto pouoado de Malay os, 
frequentado sobre nianeyra de muy tos mercadores de todo 
sul onde vem vender suas drogas de que rezulta grande rendi- 
mento a EIRey de Pam, o que fazem sem vir a Mallaqua 
pellas grandes tiranias que hos capitais daquella fortalleza 
vzam com elles em lhe tomarem as fazendas por presso muy 
ynferior ao que corre na terra e assy lhe fazerem taobem 
leuar a sua moeda muy ordinária em todas as cidades e for- 
tallezas deste estado e que as tem chegado a igual mizeria de 
que hos mesmos Olandezes ; e hê tanto assy em Mallaqua 
que hos Christaos que vã a estes portos resgatar algumas 
destas fazendas lhas toma o Capitam por perdidas cõ muytas 
afrontas: e algiis porisso as metem de noyte em caza e 
auiza ao Veedor da fazenda para pagarei os direytos, cauza 
poronde se desencaminha muytas = = ==. 

Da outra banda desta Ilha na costa da Samatra esta ho 
porto de Yambe Bio caudallozo, fundo e de apressada 
corrente, onde os Olandezes sam muy ressebidos e tem sua 
feytoria e resgatam gram copia de pimenta = Logo mais 
para Mallaqua pouqua distasia deste porto esta o grande 
Bio Ândregy donde também tiram os Olandezes gram copia 
de pimenta = ha mais outros Bios em que hà escalla de 
pimenta, e aguilla em que se na falia particullarmente por 
ser de pouca cõsiderassã = = Junto ha Ilha de Sâbam 
que esta mais pêra Mallaqua esta o porto de Siaca também 
de Malayos onde todas as Luas nouas e cheas ha grandes 
feyras de todas as couzas do sul, ouro, pedras de presso, e 
Bazares, Aguilla, Caiamba, e outras muytas couzas, e manti- 
mentos = deste porto por hum Bio que vem sayr de fronte 
de Malaqua esta a boca de Bancalles na Samatra da outra 
f. see. banda de Mallaqua aonde ha todas as Luas a mesma feyra 
que alem das couzas referidas tem muyta carne de porquo 
fresca e salgada; e de huas ouas de peyxe sauel que 
chama Trubo de que ha em Mallaqua grande expediente 
pêra todas as partes, Esta aquy na boca de Bancalles o rio 

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das galles de que de tudo he senhor EIRey da Pa que foy 
sempre emperador do sul. O estrey to de Sinquapura era que 
atras falíamos que he onde os Olandezes vem esperar as 
embarcasõis dos Portuguezes que vem da China, Manilla, 
Macassa e de todo o Archipellago de Maluco tem muytos 
canais e tam estreytos que em partes ram as embarcasõis 
tocando cõ as vergas nos aruores da terra onde as correntes 
das mares sam grandíssimas : a agoa posto que funda muyto 
clara de maneyra que vem as peyxes andar nella os quais 
os mercadores que vam nas embarcasõis compra aos Salletes 
que são os que abitam este estreyto yndo o peyxe nadando 
na agoa, e elles o vendem, e vam logo em ballõis muyto 
lygeyroa em que viuem cõ suas famillias e fisga ho peyxe e o 
trazem. Sam este Saletes gente péssima e particullarmente 
contra os Portuguezes ; sã velhacos e traydores as mayores 
espias que tem hos Olandezes porque onde quer que esteja 
a nossa embarcassã das mnytas parageis que aly ha dam 
logo auizo aos Olandezes e os leuã e encaminha a ella : de 
sorte que tem cauzado as mais das perdesõis das nossas 
frotas ; e isto respey to de os Olandezes lhe-darem grandes 
datos de tudo ho que assy apanha. E assy conuem muyto 
que as nossas armadas de jaleas e nauios que vam a estes 
estreytos esperar as ditas frotas fassam toda a gerra possiuel 
a estes Salletes para os enxotar destas parageis =. 

As viageis de mais importansia que se fazem de Mallaqua 
sam como fica dito pêra a China, aonde se leuauam de Mal- 
laqua todas as drogas do sul ; que ja oje nã vam mais que 
alguma pimenta e pouco ou nenhum crauo que a nos, e 
massa, esta em poder dos Olandezes: sendo senhores das 
Ilhas de Banda de donde deytarã hos próprios naturais que 
anda vagamundos por todo o sul dezeijando alguma ocaziam 
pêra se vingarem e recuperarem suas terras = O mais que 
leuam pêra a China he ho que lhe vay da India, e junta- 
mente pêra Manilla ho que se trás de la ja fica dito = He 
regimento de Mallaqua que nenhuma embarcasã que venha 

' fttoitizedbyC 


da Banda do dito estreyto passe sem tomar Mallaqua e fazer 
aly direytos de tudo ho que trouxer de que pagã des por 
cento, e dous a Cidade pêra forteficassam e artilharia : e ja 
ouue algumas que passando sem tomarem esta fortalleza 
forft julgadas por perdidas = =. 

Fas-se também viagem de Mallaoa pêra o Macasa que he 
huma Ilha que esta trezentas legoas de Mallaqua ao Veste, 
de hum Rey Mouro que sabe muy hem fallar Português, e 
tem muytos em suas terras e hê grande seu amigo, o que 
lhe leuam na sã mais que roupas ; e se trazem as drogas 
que aly vem vender os naturais do sul, tendo a terra em &f 
muyto mantimento, e tartaruga, e daquy he de que prinsi- 
palmente se proue Malluquo ; para esta Ilha se fas também 
viagem de todo ho estado : ha nella Igrejas cO padres que 
administra, os sacramentos aos Portuguezes que aly asistem 
e vam e vem= Tem este Rey prometido de n& dar porto 
em sua terra a Olandezes como foy e assy tem em sua terra 
Denamarcos, e Ingrezes = Sendo este Rey e todo seu 
f. 3866. reyno gentios mandou pedir a Mallaqua hum padre para 
lhe mostrar o que era a ley dos Christaos porque se lhe 
paresesse bem a tomaria: dizem que tardou em yr mais 
do que prometia couza tarn ymportante= e assy quando 
tinha chegado primeyro hum marinheyro de hum pataxo 
que chamauft Lacar Mouro que lhe ensinou a sua ley e lhe 
pareseo tam bem que logo a tomou = =. 

De Mallaqua a Pêra sam quarenta legoas por costa pêra a 
banda de Leste foy este Rey vassallo de Sua Mag4° muytos 
annos, e pagaua de páreas hum grande cantidade de callaym 
ha três annos que lhe negou as páreas a que responde que 
ho liurem do Achem e que entã pagara as páreas e sera vas- 
sallo de Sua Mag4* porque com as muytas armadas cõ que 
ho Achem anda de ordinário nestes mares da de ordinário 
nas terras deste Rey ho destroe, e lhe catiua sua gente de 
maneyra que responde ho Rey que muyto bem conhesse de 
quanta mais ymportansia lhe sera ser sogeyto a Sua Mag** 

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do que ao Achem : mas que nam tem poder pera rezistir a 
este tirano, e a muyta forsa que tem, e n& lha dando Sua 
Mag4 e forsado ha de procurar ho remédio de seus reynos 
com se-lhe-auasallar e pagar as páreas que pagaua a Sua 
Mag* e E aynda assy teue com que rezester a hua armada 
nossa que ho hia castigar = Tem em seus reynos grandes 
minas de Gallaym que he ho metal que fica dito de sorte 
que sayrft delias todos os annos de sinquo para seis mil 
quintais de Callaym ; os quais antigamente vinham todos os 
mais delles pera Mallaqua e oje nam vem a tersa parte ho 
mais vam pera ho Achem donde os Olandezes o leuam, e o 
trazem para a índia cõ grandes ganhos =. 

A feytoria que ho capitam de Mallaqua tinha em Pera 
era donde tirana o mayor ynteresse que oje n& hà : e por 
estas e outras couzas descahio tanto esta fortalleza e capi- 
tania, que nã ouue prouido que quizese entrar nella no anno 
de seiscentos trinta e três : e assy foy entrar hum capitam 
mandado pello Visorrey. 

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Sloane Manuscript, 197. 


F218. Ilha de Goa Metropolly e cabessa de todo ho estado da 
índia de que Sua Mag* he senhor esta em altura de quinze 
grãos e quarenta e sinquo menutos. Tem de comprimento 
duas legoas de sircuyto e de largura huma e em partes pouco 
mais. Esta pegada cO a terra firme do Goncam do Balla- 
gatte he muy fresca e chea de muy tas ortas e palmares com 
agoas muy boas e comerseada de todo oriente, porque como 
cabessa concorrem a ella por mar e terra todas snas fazendas 
e riquezas, e delia se espalham por todo o mundo. E antes 
que entremos em dar mais particullar reza desta Ilha e 
Cidade de Goa sera bem que ho fassamos dos fortes passos 
com que na sua entrada e por toda ella esta forteficada : — 


Entrando pella ponta de Nossa Senhora do Cabo pêra 
dentro da barra de Goa se a de afastar alguma couza da dit \ 
ponta porque lansa ao mar huma restinga de pedras cuberta 
de agoa pouco mais de mea legoa, fica da banda do sul o 
outeyro aonde esta a Igreja de Nossa Senhora do Cabo no 
mais alto delle, de frades Capuchos Recoletos o qual esta 
leuantado da superfisie do orizonte setenta brassas ficando 
a dita Igreja em hum terreyro de sinquoenta de roda na 
qual ha três sistemas que lenam trinta mil pipas de agoa ; — 
fica afastado da rais do outeyro pêra sima da banda do mar 
distansia de vinte brassas hum forte pêra onde se vay por 

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huma estrada cuberta que comessa em hama calheta que 
fica detrás do mesmo monte da banda de dentro, de mil 
passos de comprido athe chegar a huma porta do dito forte 
por onde se entra a hua plataforma de çem passos de com- 
primento e vinte sinquo de largura sercada pella banda do 
mar de hum parapeyto de seis palmos de altura com seis 
lugares para outrastantas bombardas : e pella do monte que 
lhe fica muyto alto e sobranseyro tem huas sete cazas de 
sobrado cubertas de terrados bastantes pêra viuer nella 
qualquer pessoa que possa seruir de capitam = E embayxo 
tem no andar da dita prassa doze cazas em que podem viuer 
soldados piais, e bombardeyros : e nemhumas das ditas cazas 
estft aynda de todo acabadas = Nam asiste neste forte que 
chama "Nossa Senhora do Cabo" Capitam nem soldado 
algum, e so tem hum negro que ho vigia : e tem na ditta 
plataforma quatro pessas de bronze em seus repayros de 
quinze athe vinte libras de pillouro de ferro = E como a 
vigia dos frades emsima he continua tem no dito Conuento 
monisõis bastantes pêra as ditas quatro pessas de artilharia. 

Auisam de qualquer couza que paresse ao mar pêra se f. 2496. 
prouer logo de capitam bombardeyros e gente como se faz 
porem nam deyxa de estar este forte offeressido a se arroy- 
nar com a muyta agoa que pello ynuerno desse do dito 
monte que fica arroynando as paredes das ditas cazas. 


Pello Bio asima hum quarto de legoa do forte de Guaspar 
Dias esta o Castello de Pangim no qual se fizera apozentos 
pêra os Visorreis estarem quando vam a barra despedir as 
armadas e nãos do reyno por ficarem mais perto e quando 
he nesesario em qualquer ocazift de enemigos estarè mais 
perto da barra = Estam feytos apozentos a borda do Rio 
e cazas muy bastantes e hum cais onde desembarca pêra as 
mesmas cazas e posto que ElBey quando se fizera, na era de 

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seis centos e quinze se ouue por mal seruido e mandaua que 
as pagasse o Visorrey dom Jer[ony]mo de Azeuedo = despois 
o ouue por bem paressendo huma das melhores couzas que 
tinha o estado como de feyto o hê aonde quando os Yisorreis 
la nã esta, tem a Cidade hum homem Português por ter cuy- 
dado das ditas cazas e conserto delias a que pagã seis X? 
cada mes = Estam em Pangim obra de trinta cazas entre 
térreas e de Sobrado alguas muyto grandes e fermozas de 
Portugueses de Goa e outras dos que fazem aly sua abitassã 
de que também parte esta ao longo do Rio cõ ortas e pal- 
mares de recreasam e rendimento e assy vã continuando 
algumas cazas athe Sancta Inis que esta mais pêra a barra 
e dahy athe Nossa Senhora do Cabo aonde esta oyto cazas 
assy de moradores de Goa : como de algus velhos ermitõis 
Treseyros da Ordem de Sam Francisco ; que estam e viuem 
f. aso. aly retirados a sombra dos Recolletos do dito Conuento = 
Ha em Pangim doze ou treze almadias compridas e estreytas 
que leuã des e doze remos por banda que seruè de leuar 
auiso a qualquer parte e prinsipalmente ao norte, e tam- 
bém pessoas e fazendas de pouco vollume porque por sua 
muyta ligeyreza nauegam sem armadas porque nam vam 
sogeytas a paros posto que ja acontesseo tomarem algumas. 
O gasto que esta fortalleza de Pangim fas a fazenda real, a 
qual n& he mais que húa torre antigamente alta que oje esta 
no meo das cazas em que nã ha artilharia ne couza defensá- 
vel he o seguinte, etc. 



Adiante de Pangim fica huma ponte que a Cidade de 
Goa mandou fazer por mandado do Conde de Linhares 
Visorrey pêra passagem de hum brasso de Rio do caminho 
que vay de Goa feyta sobre vinte e oyto arcos de pedra e 
f. 260». cal muyto forte e fermoza : da qual sa vay continuando hum 
fermozo cais, ou caminho por meio do Rio de quazi huma 

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legoa de comprido obra insigne cõ que fica o dito camynho 
muy fassil pêra qualquer ocaziã apressada como ordinaria- 
mente acontese o que nam era antigamente antes de se 
fazer esta obra porque se nam podia yr senft por mar em 
manchuas que primeyro que se achassem pêra qualquer 
suseso apresado; Era nessessario pêra isso muyto tempo; e 
também se ficam cobrando huns pedassos de várzeas muyto 
grandes que ho Conde de Linhares Vizorrey aplicou pêra 
sustento do Ospital da Piedade que elle edificou e ynstetuhio. 
Esta neste porto e paragem de Bibandar hum passo cõ 
hum balluarte piqueno de des passos de comprido e seis de 
largo onde esta somente hum sino de vegia que como a 
artilharia aquy nam serue mais que pêra hos da terra se 
pode por cada ues que for nessessaria — ficam lhe pegadas 
as cazas do Capitam ou tanadar, e muytas outras ha roda em 
que yiuem Portugueses e Canaris cõ huma Igreja que por 
todos será passante de vinte, e muytos palmares de huma e 

outra banda. 



Passando pella Cidade de Goa indo pello Bio asima de 
propia parte em terra da mesma Ilha esta ho passo de 
Daugim chamado por outro nome da Madre de D[eo]s: 
pello mosteyro que lhe-fica peguado de Capuchos Becolletos: F - hi. 
Nã he este passo mais que humas cazas grandes sobradadas 
onde mora ho capitam ou tanadar do dito passo = Nà hâ 
nelle artilharia nenhuma mais que hus de pee de Çeylã, 
fazendo conta de se-lhe-por quando for nessesaria, porbayxo 
tem huma porta por onde entra e saem os que passam pello 
dito passo de huma para outra parte em manchuas que ha 
de vigia e almadias pêra passagem da gente e para*fazerem 
chegar todas as embarcasõis a registar no dito passo se 
acazo o nam querem fazer = De fronte da porta do dito 
passo a borda do Bio pegado na agoa esta hum balluarte 

VOL. III. x 

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razo coadrado que tem perto de duas brasas de altura, e de 
roda tem vinte e sinquo pasos andantes no qual se poem 
artilharia quando he necessária pêra qualquer ocaziã= E 
da ponta das cazas do passo comessa o muro que vay cor- 
rendo pella Ilha em roda ao longo do dito Rio muyto grande 
espasso athe de fronte de Sam João Bautista onde se afasta 
do Rio e vay cõtinuando pella terra dentro da Ilha como se 
vera da planta = Tem este muro de altura em partes três 
brassos e em partes menos, e em outras mais cõ seus 
balluartes a espassos pêra defenderem os panos de muro 
que ha entre hus e outros posto que de Sam Joã Bautista 
athe de fronte de Bargany onde ja chegaua ho dito muro 
esta muy ymperfeyto e com muytas quebradas = E nam 
foy esta obra mais por diante por se entender era de pouco 
effeyto assy por ho sircuyto ser muy grande e descompra- 
sado hauer mister mais de sinquoenta mil homes pêra ho 
defenderem como por ficar muy destante da Cidade e aynda 
dos mais afastados arrabaldes delia e tem se alcansado que 
com ho dinheyro que se gastou nesta obra se pudera ter 
forteficado a Cidade muyto bem e alem delia a Ilha toda em 
roda quero dizer naquellas partes onde tinha nesesidade de 
forteficassam e assy foy dinheyro perdido o que nella se 
gastou = Tem este passo de Daugy capittam Português e 
fidalgo a quem se paga seu soldo e vensimento : mas ho que 
ho sustenta he os próis e percalsos e lagimas que lhe importa 

muyto = 



Passado ho passo de Daugy indo correndo a Ilha de Goa 
a roda ao longo do Rio e muro se segue o passo sequo 
chamado de Sam Bras = Tem hum balluarte grande de 
pedra e cal pegado no dito muro : onde estam três pessas 
de artilharia de Bronze em seus repay ros huma de desoito 
liuras e as outras de dos de pillouro de forro este passo he 

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muy perígozo e chegado has terras do Idolcam e de mare 
vazia se pode passar a pee enxuto e a este respeyto tem a 
guarda e vigia que abayxo se vera a quem se paga da 
fazenda real o que se segue, etc. 


Continuando ao longo do mesmo Bio e muro adiante aF. 202. 
vista deste passo seco esta ho passo de Sanctiago o qual 
tem no mesmo muro hum balluarte muyto forte e bem 
feyto em que estam sinquo pessas de artilharia huma de 
ferro mourisca muyto' grande que tira pillouro de pedra 
de disforme grandeza : e as quatro de bronze que fora dos 
galleõis de doze athe desoyto liuras de pellouro de ferro = 
Pêra se sayr ao Bio se ha de passar por sinquo, ou seis 
portas que estam debayxo da Abobada das cazas do capitam 
ao longo do dito balluarte que todas em tempo de gerra erft 
de Rastilho, ou alsapft que se fecha do alto da Abobada para- 
bayxo cayndo por encayxes de pedra ; e se abrem leuantan- 
dose do alto da abobada com mollinetes com que ficaua 
fortíssima a entrada do dito passo, etc. 


Ao passo de Sanctiago em roda da Ilha de 60a se segue 
outro passo que chama sam Joa Bautista e por outro nome 
Garambollim porque esta em hua aldeã deste próprio nome 
o qual nam tem Balluarte nem artilharia alguma fazendo 
conta de se-lhe-leuar e por no muro quando seja nessessa- y. 25». 
rio = para sua guarda e vegia, tem hum Tanadar que he 
o mesmo que capitam soldados naiques e piais cujo numero 
e o que a cada hum se paga da fazenda real se segue, etc. 

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Adiante do passo de Sam Joam Bautista muyto grande 
distansia pello Bio abayxo quazi de fronte da barra de Mor- 
Mugâ e Ilha de Salsete esta o passo de Sam Lourenso qne 
por outro nome se chama Agassaym porque esta em huma 
aldeã do mesmo nome e he o por onde se passa para as 
terras de Salsete. Tom por fortalleza húas cazas de sobrado 
em que viue o capitã sem outra defensa de balluarte, muro, 
nem artilharia : fica muyto desuiado da Cidade porque esta 
quazi no fim da Ilha de Goa, etc. 

* * * * * 

F2ra . ILHA DE JUA. 

A Ilha de Juâ esta entre a Ilha de Goa e a terra firme 
pêra a banda Nordeste, he de pouco menos de huma legoa 
de comprimento ; e hum tiro de falcâ de largura onde mais = 
Tem na cabessa que comessa da banda de Goa none moradas 
de cazas de Portuguezes de pedra e cal, muy boas e fermozas 
que sam de moradores de Goa = Junto a ellas esta a 
Igreja de Sancto Esteuam que he fregezia, onde asiste por 
vigário hum clérigo de casta Canarim = como sam todas 
as mais das Igrejas da Ilha de Goa e suas adjasentes = 
Excepto algumas que hos tem frades de Sam Domingos, ou 
de Sancto Agostinho : e as de Bardes dos de Sam Fran- 
cisco = E as de Salsete de padres da companhia de Jesus = 
Perto da esta Ilha de Juà* hâ mil e dusentos Canaris entre 
os quais os oytoçentos sam de armas, e a milhor gente de 
todas as demais Ilhas, e da de Goa : e acodem cõ ellas todas 
as veses que sam chamados : — Esta Ilha, a de Diuar, Choram, 
e a das magas sam sogeytas ao capitam de Naroa. 


A Ilha de Diuar fica de fronte da Cidade de Goa pêra 
a banda do Norte a qual fas o mesmo Bio cõ outro brasso que 

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a serca, terá de comprimento huma legoa, e de largo ham 
quarto e em partes menos, esta nella o castello e passo de 
Naroa de que abayxo se fará mensã da banda de Leste da 
terra firme dos Mouros: Tem este Ilha em sy passante 
de quatro mil moradores entre os quais auera dous mil de 
armas e as tem, e os mais destes se ocupa em cultiuar as 
terras : e outros sam pescadores mas todos Christãos hâ nella 
três freguezias cõ seus Vigários cõ as ordinárias que adiante 
se dirá. 


Passando pella Cidade de Goa indo pello Bio asima vol- 
tando sobre a ma esquerda na ponta da Ilha de Diuar que 
fica de fronte da terra firme dos Mouros como atras se dis 
esta hnm castello antigo que chama Naroa, pegado ao qual f. kw. 
esta as cazas do Capitam bastantes pêra se agasalhar cõ sua 
famillia = Ao pee do castello ou torre esta huma caza no 
Rio fundada sobre arcos onde se vegia de mais perto as 
embarcasõis que passa = A artilharia que tem este torre 
sam quatro falçois e hum berso porque também ella nâ he 
capas de artilharia de mais porte = Estam junto a este 
passo des cazas de pedra e cal térreas = onde viuem cazados 
Portuguezes, etc. 



A Ilha das Mangas he hua ilheta que esta entre esta Ilha 
de Diuar e a terra firme dos Mouros e a Ilha de Juâ tem de 
comprimento hum tiro de peasa e pouco menos de largo = 
Na tem mais que palmares e mangueyràs tem humas cazas 
cõ húas torrinhas do dono delia que lhe serue de fortes e 
oytenta canaris Christáos que a cultiuã. e guarda : e nam 
tem Igreja. 


Peguado ha Ilha de Diuar deuedida so por hum brasso de 
Bio fica a Ilha de Choram pêra a banda de Noroeste a qual 

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tem huma legoa e ham quarto de cõprido e mais de duas de 
roda : muyto mais abitada que a de Diuar e assy chega a 
ter perto de quinze mil almas dos quais sam de siuquo para 
seis mil homes de gerra sam todos pescadores e lauradores 
e algus marinheyros ; nam tem esta Ilha de Choram fortal- 
leza nem balluarte algum que a defenda mais que a mesma 
gente que he a mais rica, e luzida de todas as Ilhas. Tem 
em sy duas Igrejas = e muytos palmares, mangas, e terras 
de arros. 


A Cidade de Goa esta lansada ao longo do Bio que fas 
Ilha comessando as cazas delia de Panellim athe Madre de 
D[eo]s em que entra hos arrabaldes neste comprimento que 
sera de dous tersos de legoa : A largura he desde ho Bio 
athe Nossa S[enh]ora da Lus lansando aynda algumas cazas 
mais adiante the junto ao outeyro de Bargany : que serão 
mil seiscentos passos de largura e pellos outros dous lados 
da banda do comprimento, fica o grosso da Cidade entre os 
dous outeyros de Sancto Agostinho, e Nossa S[enh]ora do 
Monte que fícâo Leste Oeste hum do outro, Sancto Agostinho 
para a banda de Veste e Nossa S[enh]ora de Monte para a de 
Leste, e dista hum do outro por linha recta dous mil passos 
e pello oblicar cõ as dissidas e sobidas dous mil e trezentos 
cada hum destes outeyros fica caualleyro ha cidade de forma 
que estando artilharia em qualquer delles a poderá com 
fassillidade arrazar = Os fogos que hâ nesta Cidade de 
Goa dentro nos ditos lemites sam três mil e quinhentos a 
fora os Conuêtos dos quais os oytoçentos sam de Portuguezes 
cazados que hus por outros tem dous escrauos que possa 
tomar armas = sendo que conhessy muytos que tinha a 
desaseis e a vinte: mas tãbê algus nâ tinha nenhú: Os 
mais delles sam Cafres, e de outras nasõis da índia = 
Halem destes tem hos ditos Portuguezes cazados oyto 
pessoas entre escrauos Inúteis que chama Bichos e escrauas, 

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ou negras = aduertindose também que posto que ha muytos 
que são tem pessoa nenhuma destes Inúteis = hà caza em 
que ha vinte escrauas e mais = Todos os ditos cazados 
tem muytas armas com que ornam suas cazas, assy cabides 
de lansas, azaguayas e partazanas como também espingardas 
de pederneyra e murrâ de maneyra que tem armas pêra sy F.2M&. 
e seus escrauos e so lhe poderá faltar poluora e bailas que 
nâ tem de portas a dentro = O mais numero de fogos que 
hâ nesta Cidade sam de cazados prettos Christ&os Canaris e 
de outras nasõis da India que também tem algus escrauos 
de armas que sempre sera a metade do dito numero muytos 
destes sam offissiais mecânicos : hos dous mil delles homes 
de armas : e posto que algus delles por sua pobreza as na 
tenha de seu cõ tudo ha outros que sam ricos e tem muytas = 
Hà entre este numero de fogos tamhem muytos Gentios 
moradores, e offissiais Canaris, e Guzarates que se sus- 
tenta do que tira e ganham dos Portuguezes; como do 
mantimento que leuã do terreyro de Goa, acarrettado, e 
trazido cõ as Armadas que por este effeyto se' fazem = 
Teram este dous mil cazados pretos que hâ em Goa três mil 
e quinhentas para quatro mil pessoas em suas cazas Inúteis 
e de nenhum préstimo pêra nenhuma couza do seruiso 
delRey; Antes se sustenta assy do que ganha com hos 
Portuguezes como do mantimento que as armadas traze de 
fora = 

Os soldados Portuguezes e filhos seus que hâ em Goa que 
se embarcam nas armadas, nam se pode saber nem apontar 
numero serto : porque ora sam mais e ora menos conforme 
vem do reyno , de maneyra que as vezes sam mil e as vezes 
mais e se for como estes annos de seiscentos e trinta para 
qua em que faltara dous annos areo nãos do reyno ; e ouue 
as mais mortes e mayores doensas que nunqua se viram na 
índia : seram tanto menos quanto o exprimentou o Conde 
de Linhares que para recuperar Ceylam e Mombassa em 
tempo de tantas callamidades lhe foy nesessario para tam 

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grandes emprasas vallerse de Caiiarls e Cafres = e quando 
logo chegam do reyno os consomem muyto as doensas como 
também a todo o forasteyro que chega a esta Cidade de Goa 
que on morrem ou chegam ao ultimo que tal he ho clima 
delia que nam perdoa a ninguém ; e em particullar aos 
mais gordos e de mais carnes porque em lhe dando a doensa 
em quatro ou sinquo dias os acaba. E posto que a canti- 
dade de fogos referidos e mais abitadores que se declara 
nesta descripsã da Cidade de Goa seja do numero que se 
tem visto foy ja tanto mayor do que oje hê que se mostra 
muytos bayrros sens despouoados cõ a mayor parte das 
cazas caydas e as que aynda esta em pee desabitadas ; de 
maneyra que tirado as rellegiõis que oje estam em mayor 
aumento do que nunqua estiuerã na tem a Cidade de Goa a 
tersa parte dos moradores que ja teue = e os que oje hâ 
mais pobres do que nunqua fora como se vera pello comersio 
que antigamente tiuera ; e pello que oje tem : — 

A Ilha de Goa da grandeza que temos referido tem em 
sy muy boas agoas e muytas fazendas de palmares, e 
várzeas de arros, e outros legumes e fruytos que possuem a 
mayor parte os Canaris naturays ja todos feytos Christaos 
sendo também muytas fazendas de Portuguezes = hauera 
aynda por toda a Ilha de Goa quatro mil Gentios moradores 
f. 266. nella pouco mais ou menos fora os da Cidade e seus arrabaldes 
hos mais dos Canaris Christaos que viuem pella entre os 
quais ha muytos que chama gancares, que sam como offis- 
siais da Camará, sam gente de armas, e conforme a lista que 
deu o Tanadar Mor que he capitam desta gente sam três 
mil e sesenta e dous, has armas de que vzam sam espin- 
gardas, espadas, e rodellas, lansas, e arcos e frechas: e 
todos estes Canaris da Ilha de Goa estam debayxo da jur- 
dissa do Tanadar Mor = = Sam estes Canaris naturais de 
Goa muyto dados a papeis e demandas; porque alem de 
terem grande natural pêra escreuerem, hos que se dam a 
isso fazem muyto exsellente letra por onde hâ mais de mil 

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escreuentes na Cidade de Goa e por toda a Ilha : posto que 
hos mais delles no que escreuem aynda que se-lhe-dem 
copias poem mil negradas, sendo que ha outros que escreuem 
muyto serto= Sam tantas as demandas que trazem hús 
cõ outros ajudando também has que hos Portuguezes exer- 
sitã : as quais cõ seus modos de requerimentos e trapassas 
estendem por muyto largos tempos ; e paresse a Cidade de 
Goa mais academia de letigantes, que escolla de armas, nem 
fortalleza, e Cidade fronteyra e cabessa de hum tam della- 
tado estado = E podesse afirmar que ha oje em Goa mais 
escriufiis : sollessitadores : aduogados 2 e demandistas : que 
soldados e capitais que cursem as armas e o seruisso delias = 
E em conduza, sam mais de seis mil as demandas que de 
prezente andam correndo em Goa : e so no Juizo dos feytos 
auia em Mayo deste anno de seiscentos trinta e sinquo con- 
cluzos de muytos annos a esta parte mil e quinhentos feytos 
a que se nam podia dar vaza* alem dos que andauã correndo 
e por aquy se vira os que aueria nos mais juízos = 

Os Mosteyros que ha nesta Ilha de Goa= o primeyro 
chamado a Madre de D[eo]s que esta ja fora dos arrabaldes 
da Cidade da banda de Leste junto ao passo de Daugim de 
Capuchos Becoletos tem de ordinário de trinta e sinquo 
pêra quareta relligiosos nam tem ordinária alguma da 
fazenda real porque se sustenta de esmollas e nem por isso 
passam pior que hos outros : Tem estes frades quinze 
negros que hos serue : e muytos destes frades fora soldados 
como também o fora grande parte dos das outras relli- 
giõis = e quando vã nas armadas por capellãis ou passagey* 
ros susede muytas vezes nas ocaziOis de brigas pellejarem 
cõ tanto vallor os frades como os soldados, ou as menos 
exortare-nos a isso com crussefixos nas mãos — Esta outro 
conueto fora da Cidade que chama Nossa S[enh]ora de 
Pillar, também dos mesmos Recolletos Capuchos obra de 
m[e]a legoa da Cidade onde de ordinário asistem athe des 
relligiosos = sustentã-se de esmollas como os outros sem 

VOL. III. y 

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padesserem faltas de tudo ho que lhes he nessessario = = 
Esta mais nesta Ilha de Goa o Most[ei]ro de Nossa S[e- 
nhjora do Cabo da mesma ordem dos Capuchos Recolletos 
onde asistem de ordinário athe quinze relligiosos que tam- 
bém se sustenta de esmollas a caza esta na paragem que se 
te referido da qual athe Goa auera duas legoas por terra : = 
Na mesma Ilha de Goa em huma Igreja chamada Sancta 
f. 255b. Barbara que he fregezia obra de mea legoa da Cidade esta 
hum Conuento de P[adr]es de Sam Domingos onde asistem 
de ordinário, oyto, athe des relligiosos a que elles chama a 
sua Recolleta tem de ordinário por anno sete mãos e mea 
de azeyte para alumiar a lâmpada do sanctissimo sacra* 
mento = Nas terras de Bardes esta o Conuento ou Colle- 
gio dos Beis Magos que he da ordem de Sam Fran [eis] co 
onde asistem athe sete relligiosos da dita ordem = Neste 
conuento ha também hum Collegio de meninos pretos e 
branquos, onde lhes ensina Latim e ler e escreuer aos que ho 
nam sabem : Neste Conuento se apozenta hos Vizorreis 
quando desembarca das nãos em quanto se prepara ho que 
he nesesario para entrarem em Goa e também vã a elle 
outras muytas vezes = Tem este conuento de ordinária 
por anno ho que no titollo das Igrejas de Bardes fica decla- 
rado: — 


Tem esta Cidade de Goa huma ribeyra de Sua Mag d . e a 
que chama» aBibeyra Grande onde mora o Veedor da fazenda 
e estam os nauios de remo que serue nas armadas, artilharia 
e fundissã delia, ferraria, e dous Àlmazeis de prouimentos 
de toda sorte que sam nessessarios para as armadas = Os 
nauios que Sua Mag* 1 . 6 oje tem em Goa serã athe oytenta, 
entre nauios san guiseis, e galleotas == Os sanguiseis car- 
regam sinquoenta atho sesenta candis : que cada candil he 
como vinte alq[uey]res de Portugal = Os nauios athe 

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oyteta nouenta candis, e as galleotas athe cento e sin- 
quoenta = os mais destes nauios e sanguiseis se fazem em 
Bassaym por contrato que se fas cõ bos capitais pella muyta 
mad[ey] ra, offissiais e mais petrechos que pêra isso aly ha : 
e de presente porque ho presso da mad[ey]ra tern cresido 
como em todas as mais conzas ; se fas cada sanguisel por 
quatro centos e sinquoenta patacõis : e cada nauio por seis 
centos e sinquoenta : mas ne cõ isso o capita de Bassaym 
que ho contratou se ouue por pago antes moue demanda a 
Sua Mag* e por ficar notauelmente lezo = E posto que estes 
nauios durem sinquo e seis annos a todo mais : cõ tudo vam 
para Mascate, Mallaqua, Sam Thome e outras partes = 
Aonde ordinariamente fica quazi todos: e alem disto os 
sucesos da gerra em que de contino anda sam muy vários e 
gasta-nos muyto e assy he nessesario refazerê-se muytas 
vezes as armadas de nauios nouos e as que escapa dura 
algus annos e custa o concertar porque em quazi todos os 
portos em que entra tem nessesidade de conserto = Tem 
mais Sua Mag d .° huma gua]le real muyto grande e fermoza 
a que chama Sam Miguel e outra mais piquena que arribou 
indo para Mallaqua = E no porto de Panellim oy to galleõis 
dos quais se aparelhara quatro pêra sayrem cõ dous que este 
anno viera do reyno e ficam no estado : e dous que estam 
prin si piados no cais de Sancta Cri[stin]a que vem a ser doze 
por todos e isto a fora a armada de Mascate, Dio, e Mallaqua, 
que sam do numero de nauios que em a discripsã de cada 
hua das ditas fortallezas se aponta = Mais seis nauios de 
remo que hao de yr cõ hos galleõis cõ seu Capitam Mor e 
capitais debayxo das ordens do capitam geral dos ditos 

A artilharia que ho estado tem em Goa de prezente sam f. 250. 
somente cento e sinquoenta pessas nos galleõis = sete 
pessas no forte da Agoada = quatro pessas no forte de 
Nossa S[enh]ora do Cabo. Três pessas no forte de Sam 
Bras do passo seco = Sinquo pessas no forte e passo de 

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Sanctiago = No forte de MorMugã seis pessas de bronze= 
desaseis sagres para ho forte de Gaspar Dias e Bardes = No 
paso de Naroa quatro falcõis e hum berso = huma pesa de 
ferro "de quatro liuras sinquo pessas na galle real = Três 
pessas na outra galle mais piquena = Noue pessas nouas 
na Ribeyra auera mais athe sasenta sagres que anda nos 
nauios das armadas = Vinte falcõis meios falcõis e bersos = 
quinze falcOis meios falcõis e bersos no almaze que sam por 
todas trezentas e quatro e a grande falta de cobre que hâ 
no estado da India he cauza de nã auer muyta conforme 
trabalha nisso o Conde de Linhares VizoRey mas vay ho 
buscando por todos os modos, e cõ ho fauor de D[eo]s fun- 
dira muyta em sen tempo se estiuer mais annos na índia = 
A Barra desta Cidade de Goa he depois de entrar da ponta 
de Nossa S[enh]ora do Cabo e da fortalleza da Agoada pêra 
dentro distansia de mea legoa pello Rio asima de fronte do 
forte de Guaspar Dias : onde esta hum banco de area que a 
atrauessa com hum canal de des brassas de largura = e 
sinquo brassas e mais de preamar de agoas viuas = O Rio 
no prinsipio entre as ditas pontas tem de largura humà legoa: 
e entrando para dentro vay fazendo hua enseada pêra detrás 
de Nossa S[enh]ora do Cabo com que fica a largura do Rio 
mayor e depois vay estreytando pêra dentro da forma que 
na planta se vee » Antes de chegar este Rio ao banco e 
barra lansa hum braso pêra a banda do Norte a que chama 
Nelur = o qual vay distansia de huma legoa pellas terras de 
Bardes dentro e nã torna a fazer sayda neste Rio se ua meter 
muy tos nauios dos que hâ em Goa de trato = Passando de 
Pangim fas este Rio dous brassos hum para o Sul e outro 
para o Norte : o do Sul vay athe Sancta Crus e nam passa 
mais adiante nem tem sayda para outra parte, O outro brasso 
que lansa para a banda do Norte vay fazendo as Ilhas de 
Choram, Dinar, e Jua: e nem por isso deyxa ho Rio de Goa 
de ter fundo bastate para estarè nelle surtos e yrem e virem 
athc as naps de royno que sam as mayores embarcasõis que 

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nauega o mar = = A barra de Goa a Velha tem também 
hum banco de area que a atrauessft; por meo do coal esta 
o canal de çem brasas de largara e sinquo de fundo de 
preamar: e seis de agoas viuas: o canal de Goa demanda ao 
Veste; e o desta barra ao Sul: por onde se entra nella 
aynda com Snl como fizera muytas embarcasõis cõ ho 
ynuerno = e quando as nãos ou galleõis se recolhem a 
Mormuga se ficam seruindo desta barra de Goa a Velha por 
lhe ficar em direytura = 

A costa desta Ilha de Goa corre ao mesmo rumo de Norte 
a sul que a de Dama; Bassaym; e Chaul: nam prefeyta- 
mente metendo mais pêra susueste e nornordeste e quanto 
mais se vay pêra o Sul mais vay a costa metendo pêra o 
susueste = Os ventos que cursam nesta costa sa hos mes- 
mos que temos dito atras, ha nella athe o Cabo dõ Com- 
orim = As correntes também sam quazi as mesmas que 
temos dito da costa do Norte tirado que como esta Goa f. km. 
desuiada de Cambaya e çem legoas nam lhe alcansa ja as 
correntes furiozas de suas mares = = 

As viageis que se fazem de Goa sam mnytas porque se 
nauega para ho reyno e para todo ho estado com toda sorte 
de embarcasõis = A prinsipal viagem e de mais porte que 
se fas de Goa he pêra Portugal em nãos de quatro cubertas 
que sam as mayores em que se nauega no mar salgado = 
Onde se leuft e trazem grande copia de toda sorte de fa- 
zendas = As que vam de Portugual sam as milhores e de 
mais ganho, ouro, e prata ; porque alem dos sinquoenta por 
cento que se ganha de Portugal para a índia se ganha mais 
a cresensa que as pattaquas vallem mais de oyto tangas, que 
de presente vallem none tangas e mea = e aynda mais e 
assy vay tambe o ouro cressendo ao mesmo theor = Cauza 
por que forft cressendo as fazendas e tudo ho mais que neste 
estado se compra com ouro e prata, a tanto que ja raramente 
se pode ter ganho nellas; ao que n& hâ poder se buscar 
remédio = porque como o ouro e pratta hâ fazenda por 

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todo este estado, vay cressendo e abayxando conforme a 
falta delle hâ = Trasse de Portugual muyto coral, assy 
em ramos : como redondo = panos de vestir de toda sorte de 
lft : e a mesma lá = e também pano de linho branquo, 
muytas esmeraldas, robis, pérolas, e aljofres grandes = qae 
posto que estas três últimos espessies se leuaram da índia 
pêra Portugal ; com tudo cresserft depois tanto em presso 
na índia que se tornara a trazer a ella cõ grandes ynteresses ; 
e assy tambe outras pedras preciozas de diferentes sortes : 
assy soltas como feytas em joyas. Todo ho género e sorte 
de couzas de comer e beber tirado pam e vaca, que se nam 
pode trazer por veniaga: e quaisquer pessas ricas e curiozas 
que hos Beis deste oriente compra = folhas de espada largas 
e estrey tas porque as estreytas serue pêra os Portuguezes, e 
também as largas porem estas compra mais comumente os 
naturais, e particullarmente os Mouros, e também artilharia, 
e com mais commodidade a de ferro que se viera muyto 
alem do muyto que se ynteressa nella se ganhara muyto 
mais em ficar todo ho estado prouido cõ ella para defensa de 
suas Cidades fortallezas e embarcasõis = e em effeyto athe 
pedras de atafona se trazem de Portugual e com grande 
ganho sendo hum dos milhores lastros que podem trazer as 
nãos = Todas estas fazendas que vem de Portugual nam 
pagam direytos nenhus sendo os ganhos delias has vezes 
exsesivas: e na prata e ouro assy em pessas, como em 
moeda sempre passa de sinquoenta por cento: couza porque 
as nãos vem a custar tanto ha fazenda real e renderem tam 
pouco = ==== 

O que leua da India sam muytas couzas porem nas mais 
delias ha oje muyto pouco ynteresse; pellos Olandezes e 
Ingrezes encherem toda a Europa de roupas : em que auia, 
e nas drogas, o prinsipal ganho deste comersio e aynda assy 
lenam pimenta por conta delEey, — e algumas roupas de Cam- 
baya : caras e roíns : porque t&bem estas sã tam ynferiores ; 
e so menos do que antigamente que aynda que na estiuerft tam 

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sobidas de presso, e os Ollandezes e Ingrezes as na leuarft 
aynda assy em grande copia fora hos ganhos muy piquenos = p. 267. 
Leuft se também algumas roupas de Tutocorim que nam esta 
tarn vesiadas : mas também nestas ha pouco ganho = pessas 
de emas de Bengalla = porque as cassas ja nft sam de nenhum 
ynteresse = Leuanse também algus enricollados e Ballachos 
de Negapatft e pimenta de Canara e costa do Mallauar, e 
canella de^Ceylâo = e desta se nft partessipã os Olandezes 
e também alguma do mato = e no tocante hàs mais drogas, 
nos, e massa, ja nam vem a nossos mãos, e crauo muy pouco 
o qual também se leua pêra Portugual ; e todas as fazendas 
de Ghyna como sedas em pessas e em rama : porem estam 
oje em tá alto presso que nft se leuft ja para voniaga pello 
pouco ganho, ou nenhum que pode auer nellas = Hia 
antigamente muyto anil de Cambaya : Ja oje pello leuarem 
Ingrezes e Olandezes nem na índia esta em presso pêra se 
poder leuar, nem em Portugual tem expediente= Alem 
destas fazendas se leuft outras de pouco momento como huma 
fruyta que chama Coca, e por outro nome Matapeyxe = 
Courama = Cayxaria dourados de Japa e China = Escri- 
tórios e contadores de Dio, e de todo o Norte = colchas laura- 
das e camas de Dio, Chaul, Bengalla, e China = e Caurim 
por outro nome Búzio = athe couseyras pêra portas se 
leuft da índia : muyto pao preto de Mosambique e muyto 
arros que alem de ser mantimento he veniaga em que se 
ganha mais que em muy tas das outras = e por remate de 
tudo se leua e tem lenado muytos diamantes das minas 
nonas que se abrira, e ouue nao que leuaua duas arrobas de 
diamantes: porem oje sam ja muyto menos e assy pellas 
ditas cauzas esta este comersio de Portugual muy acabado : 
sendo que se nauegaua nelle mais de dous milhõis de ouro ; 
e oje apenas andarft trezentos mil cruzados : de sorte que 
nem os offisiais tem quem lhe carregue, nem elles com que 
carregar seus gasalhados = O tempo em que costuma partir 
estas nãos da índia pêra ho reyno hê desde o prinsipio de 

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Dezembro athe meo do Março : porem em passando des, ou 
doze de Peaereyro = se nâ vam athe Mosambique oõ a 
Mousft dos Leuantes com que partem as embarcasOis que 
yam para esta fortalleza: passam cO trabalho o Cabo de Boa 
Esperansa: e quando chegam a costa de Portugal he ja 
quazi ynuerno em que padessem também ygoais detrimentos 
assy nãos, como gente, e fazendas = = = 

As viageis depois das do reyno que se fazem de Goa de 
mais considerassft sam para Mosambique e sam estanques 
que se dam por despacho: e sem trabalho rendem ao dono 
des, e doze mil X~ conforme as embarcasõis que vam de 
três, quatro, athe sinquo Pataxos : lenam roupas como fica 
dito: e todo ho género de mantimentos o que tudo se 
declara no titollo de Mosambique : Onde se pos tftbem ho 
tempo em que v& e vem : ho muyto que as vezes trazem 
estas embarcasOis que ordinariamente sam pataxos de quin- 
hentos athe mil Candis = e andara neste comersio melhoria 
de hum milha = = = As viageis de Goa pêra Mombassa 
e toda aquella costa sam de pouco momento que em Goa nâ 
hâ as roupas que nella so vallem. E assy estas se fazem de 
f. «576. Dio, Damft, e Chaul: e quando de Goa vay alguma galleota, 
leua prouimentos e algumas teadas e se trás sera, escrauos, 
marfim, e ambre = Yam, e vem no mesmo tempo que a 
Mosambique = Andara neste comersio de Goa des athe 
doze mil X®? ==== = 

As viageis que também se fazem de Goa de ymportansia 
sam as de Mascate e Basora, porque quem vay a Bassora, 
primeyro ha de yr a Mascate, e nem sempre as embarcasOis 
que vam a Mascate passam a Bassora senft as que querem 
pagar direytos do que leuam em Mascate : o que selleua ja 
atras fica dito e os tempos em que nauegft onde andam 
pataxos e galleotas e nauios de remo = Trarsehâ empregado 
neste comersio quinhentos mil X? = e as vezes mais, e 
menos = a mayor copia que de Mascate vem emprezado pêra 
Goa hê em aljôfar de Baharem em que hà muyto ganho 

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porem de nenhum se paga direytos porque como he couza 
de pouco volume fasilmente se esconde = Nauegasse de 
Goa pêra ho Sinde leuando marfim : cocos = copra = calaym 
que hê hum metal da cor de estanho alguma couza mais 
duro, e todas as drogas de pimenta : crauo : cardamomo : 
canella : gengiure : e nos : e massa : Vay se em galleotas 
de quatro centos athe quinhentos candis no mesmo tempo 
em que vam para Mascate = e assy tabem ha vinda trazem 
roupas de toda sorte de mais dura que as de Cambaya e 
athe as camizas e ciroulas feytas pello pouco que custa hos 
feytios, e esta gente do Sinde ser particularmente dada a 
cozer e laurar de sorte que athe couros vem de la laurados 
muyto curiozamente de seda que sam de muyta dura e 
estima = andara neste comersio empregados de oytenta athe 
çem mil X? 8 == o que se yntende so nas embarcasõis que 
vam e vem pêra Goa ===== As viageis que se fazem de 
Goa para Cacha e Nagana nam sam ordinárias de todos os 
annos senam quando se offeresse ; vam e vem em galleotas 
de remo, e pataios, no mesmo tempo que ao Sinde e Mascatte 
posto que em galleotas de remo sam muy arriscadas, pellos 
muytos paros que vam aquella enseada: e os Sanganes 
também andarem roubando como fica dito = o que se leua, 
e trás fica referido ja em seu lugar: e quando se fazem as 
viageis a saluamento dam muyto proueito e ynteresse = 
Andam neste comersio de vinte athe trinta mil X* = 

A nauegassft que se fas de Goa para Dio nã he em rezam 
do comersio de considerasse porque em Dio, nã hâ mais que 
ho que fica dito : senã por respeyto do prouerê esta fortal- 
leza do nessessario : e assy nã se vay lâ senã com a armada 
que leua a Cafilla pêra Cambaya pêra onde de Goa hiã todos 
os verõis duas Cafillas com grande copia de nauios de remo 
que as uezes chegauam a trezentos : porem oje pellas rezGis 
apontadas apenas hà cõ que poder yr huma e os nauios de 
Cafilla nã chegam a quareta e esses aynda vem descarre- 
gados: nam tendo mais ynteresses que ho que leuâ de 

vol. in. z 

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fretes e aynda em copra, cocos, areca, marfim, e callaym e 
algamas drogas posto que poucas = e assy andando anti- 
gamente neste comersio empregados mais de doas milhõis : 
na chegam a andar oje cento e sinquoenta mil X? 9 : donde 
se deyxa bem vir a grande perda e descayda que so nesta 
f. 268. terra dera as Olandezes e Yngrezes a este estado = 

Para a banda do sul se fazem de Goa muytas viageis e 
nauegasõis as primeyras sam para o Ganara com armada que 
leua e trás quatro Cafillas huma mais ou menos todos os 
verõis de arros e trazer pimenta para as nãos em que anda 
ora cento, ora cento e sinquoenta nauios entre grandes o 
piquenas que chama parangnes, e trazem tabe de Onor e 
Cananor a madeyra de mastros e vergas, nessessarios pêra 
a ribeyra de Sua Mag* Anda neste comersio do arros a 
fora a pimenta mais de trezentos mil X 68 = = = 

A armada do Cabo de Comorim leua e trás a Cafilla de 
Cochim duas vezes cada vera = A primeyra com a Cafilla 
que vay buscar a pimenta pêra as nãos do reyno e a cay- 
xaria courama e mais fazendas de roo pas de Sam Thome, 
Negapatam e Tutocorim em que andauã de trinta pêra cor- 
renta nauios de Remo e oje a penas chegam a doze = An- 
dara neste comersio empregados a fora a pimenta sesenta 
athe oy tenta mil X? 8 = = = A segunda vez que vay a 
armada a Cochim chega athe o Cabo de Comorim onde anti- 
gamente hia esperar as embarcasõis da China, Mallaqua, e 
Bengalla, que ja agora sam quazi nenhuas mais que algumas 
de Mallaqua : de Bengalla muy poucas, e menos da China = 
Trás esta armada as embarcasõis da Costa do Travancor, 
Coulam, e Cochim afora os moradores de Tutocorim e as 
fazendas que aly vam parar de Bengalla, Mallaqua, China, 
e Manilla : Era esta Cafilla antigamente de sinquoenta e 
mais nauios : hoje na chega a des = Andara neste comer- 
sio de quarenta para sinquoenta mil X® 8 e quando as vezes 
vem embarcasõis do sul hum nauio trás esta contia sô = O 
tempo em que custuma yr he em Peuereyro ; e uir por todo 

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Mayo : e também costuma trazer a Goa arros das fortallezas 
do Canara ===== 

A nauegassã que se fas de Goa para Ceylã he em pataxos 
ou galleotas de remo : Vam por todo Setembro quatro, ou 
sinquo pataxos ; ou des ou doze galleotas pêra trazerem a 
canella que oje corre so por conta de Sua Mag d ? e assy 
nenhum vassalo ynteressa neste comersio mais que hos 
fretes porque lhe fretam as ditas embarcasõis as quais 
também leuã algus prouymentos pêra a dita Ilha de gente 
e o mais que lhe he nessessario pêra sustento de seus mora- 
dores = A cantidade de canella que trazem sam dous mil 
athe três mil bares = que cada bar sam em Goa três quin- 
tais e des arráteis = Importou esta canella a Sua Mag* 1 ? 
o anno de seiscentos trinta e três por yndustria do Conde 
de Linhares cento e sinquoenta mil X? 8 de que se tirará hos 
gastos: Trazem também estas carauellas, e pataxos, os 
Ellefantes de Ceylã pêra em Goa se venderem por conta de 
Sua Mag d ? ho numero he conforme se cassa : que ordinaria- 
mente hê de sete athe des = o presso por que se vendem 
também na he serto, porque he conforme a grandeza, e a 
boa ocaziã = porque hà EUefante por que se da dous e três 
mil pagodes, de noue centos res o pagode = E outros 
tãbem vallem menos. He animal que custa muyto a em- 
barcar e trazer por sua grandeza; e taobem morrem 
muytos — Trazem as ditas embarcasõis muytos cocos porF. 
lastro e as curiozidades de Ceylã de cabides de lansas, 
alabardas, ymageis de marfim, pessas de cristal, esteyras e 
chapeos de palha que sam de muyta estima = 

A nauegassã que antigamente se fazia de Goa pêra a 
China era tirado a do reyno a mais rica; e de mayores 
cabedais que auia neste estado = porque so a primeyra nao 
que chamauã a da prata que tomara os Olandezes aos Portu- 
guezes na índia = a primeyra promessa que se lhe fes de 
partido porque alargassem, fora mil pais de ouro que cada 
pã tem três quartas de arratal = e oje ha anno em que 

Digitized by VjOOQ lC 


apenas hâ qnem queyra carregar huma galeota de trezento 
pêra quatro centos candis pella continua asistencia cõ que 
os Olandezes estam esperando no estreyto de Sincapura 
estas embarcasõis qne vam de Qoa para a China ou pêra 
Manilla e de la passa ha China = O que leuã para Manilla 
sam vinhos = azeites = escrauos = amêndoas = farinhas = 
pimenta = cordoalha = roupas de cachas, e algumas beati- 
lhas, e canequis = e o mais que se leuaua nos primeyros 
tempos era muytas joyas de diamantes de que a fazenda 
real nam tinha nenhus direytos ymportando grandes contias: 
Mas foram tantos que ja oje la tem menos vallia que em 
Goa = e assy nas embarcasõis que vam e vem a China e 
Manilla andaram de duzentos e sinquoenta para trezentos 
mil X? 8 prosupondo como atras fica dito que estas embar- 
casõis sam esperadas nas monsõis da vinda no estreyto de 
Sinquapura ; de quatro sinquo e seis, entre nãos e pataxos 
Olandezes muy bem artilhados e so cõ ho lastro pêra ficarem 
mais ligeyros= Onde tomando as nossas empachadas e 
carregadas sem artilharia ; ou muy pouco para se defenderem 
sam tomadas e vendo o pouco meo que ha para lhe escapa- 
rem os que vem nellas dam cõ as galleotas, ou pataxos a 
costa e &s vezes os queymft : saluando o ouro que he su- 
stansia de tudo : e alguma pedraria de rubis e aljofres, o 
almíscar : por cuja cauza, o mayor ou quazi todo o emprezo 
he nestas duas couzas; sendo o lastro e mais carga de 
muy ta menos ymportansia ; Mas como as fazendas da China 
sam todas de muyta vallia; nunqua deyxam de ser de 
muyta considerassã quaisquer que hos enemigos toma: 
porque nunqua podem deyxar de ser ao menos = Tutu- 
naga que he hum metal mais preto que estanho : e Calaim 
muyto mais duro ; lancoas que he por outro nome galangas 
= lousa de toda sorte e a milhor que ha no mundo : pao 
da China = asucares bons e muytos branquos = em fim 
muyta seda assy em pessas como em rama : muytos doura- 
dos : que qualquer destas couzas sam de grande presso e a 

Digitized by 



falta delias as fas aynda sobir mais= O que vem de 
Manilla earn asucares que a mesma terra dá tarn bõs como 
os da China = sapa quo he hum pao que também aly nasse 
que serne de tintas = crauo = tartaruga = e algum ouro 
também da terra = Os tempos em que vam estas em- 
barcasõis para Manilla e China hê desde Março athe todo 
Mayo : e quando vem na monsã do sedo he em Dezembro : 
chegando a Goa em Janeyro = e na do tarde em Feuereyro: 
e chegam a Goa em Março, Abril, athe Mayo = = = f. m». 

A nauegassam de Goa para Mallaqua se fas no mesmo 
tempo que para a China e Manilla e alem disso também em 
Setembro = Esta este comersio ja quazi de todo acabado : 
porque como em Malaqua nam auia mais que as fazendas 
do sul de que as principais era drogas de pimenta, crauo, 
nos, massa = e todas as tinha os Olandezes e Ingrezes se- 
nhoreado ; e os Jaós e Mallayos nam vinha buscar a Mal- 
laqua as roupas de que se vestem pellas terem pellos Olan- 
dezes. Esta esta fortalleza oje tam falta de comersio, e 
trato : que sendo huma das três da India, nam ouue em 
Setembro de seisçento trinta e três prouido que quizesse 
yr entrar nella por onde se mandou capitam por Sua Mag*? 
mas aynda vam huma; e duas embarcasõis de quinhentos 
para seiscentos candis : e trará neste trato em Callaym, que 
he sô o que oje hà em Mallaqua, e algum crauo, e tartaruga, 
que lhe vem do Macassa sinquoenta mil X* empregados a 
fora algumas miudezas que nam sam de momento. 

Vem a Goa alem das partes referidas huma nao mourisca 
todos os annos piquena do Key de Carem do estreyto de 
Meca = que esta em pas cO ho estado que trás ensenso, e 
azeure ; e algus chamallottes ^ ss = Das Ilhas de Mal- 
diua e de Mamale vam também muytas gundras que sã 
hus nauios de remo piquenos e malfeytos pellos quais se 
dis que a palmeyra poem hum nauio ha vella : porque ho 
casco he do mesmo pao da palmeyra, cozido cõ ho cayro 
dos seus cocos: a carga delias he ho mesmo cayro dos 

Digitized by 



cocos = Ho mantimento da gente destas embarcasõis os 
mesmos cocos, e a agoa delles mesmos = os mastros, e as 
virgas das palmeyras = as vellas de esteyras de palma = 
As de Mamalle nam trazem mais que cayro, e destas vem 
mais todo pêra a ribeyra de Goa = As de Maldiaa vem 
raramente a Goa ; e trazem cayro = on búzio e destas Ilhas 
he todo ho qne hâ neste estado = peyxe sequo que chama 
comballamas: algum âmbar, tartaruga = e coco que chama 
de Maldina on das libas que se tem por grande contrapes- 
sonha muytas esteyras e cocos ordinários que inda que 
piqnenos se tem por de milhor carne qne hos mais da 
índia = O tempo em qne yam e vem he desde Setembro 
athe Mayo : em quanto dura o vera = Trará o comersio 
da nao do Key de Cayxim e destas gnndras empregado ao 
redor de trinta mil X? 8 = 

De tudo ho referido se collige que anda nos comersios e 
nauegassõis da Cidade de Goa dous milhois ; oyto centos e 
sinqnoenta e dous mil X™, porem ha se de considerar qne 
as vezes o mesmo cabedal qne anda em hum comersio, anda 
também em outro, ou parte delle, como nos comersios da 
costa de Goa pêra Cambaya, ou pêra Cochim = e também 
parte destes dous milhõis he de gentios que hfts sam vas- 
sallos de Sua Mag* e e outros nam : e que muytos embarca- 
sõis de todas as partes fazem naofragio : ou sam tomadas 
dos enemigos Ingrezes, ou Olandezes qne com grandes 
escoadras de nãos ocupa estes mares : o nâ menos de muitos 
paros : que tem feyto e fazem muyto dano = e assy que 
contra todos estes empedimentos e outros muitos sendo 
nam menos os castigos do Çeo de tromentas : fomes : 
pestes: e outros malles: hâ de andar sempre preuenindo 
remédios quem tem âs costas apezado gonerno deste estado. 
f. 2686. O Rey da terra dentro com quem confina estas nossas de 
Goa: Bardes: e Salsette se chama o Idalcam, ou Idalxá: 
capitam antigo que foy do Rey de Bisnaga e se lhe leuanton 
com esta parte das terras que gouernaua : de Gentio se fis 

Digitized by 



Mouro : como se fizeram deste Oriente = O seu reyno por 
costa he desde o Rio do Mar athe Merizeu que sam sesenta 
e duas legoas de costa e pelio sertã dentro se estendera 
neste distrito a doze legoas = A mayor parte de seus vas- 
sallos sam Mouros mas aynda tem algus Gentios = A 
gente que pode por em campo chegou ajuntar o anno pas- 
sado em Vijapor que he a sua corte sinquoenta mil homes 
de cauallo pêra se defender do Mogor que lhe pos serco 
nella, afora hos de pee de que nam fazem numero como ja 
fica dito : porem estes cauailos sã hos mais delles guadaras : 
e entre oyto ou des se achara hum bom arábio ou partio, 
porque os da terra aynda que nassa delles ja não sam couza 
de considerassam, donde também se pode ver ho que sera 
dos homes. As armas de que se vzam sam todas as que 
se vzam em Europa e sobre ellas muytos arcos e frechas 
hos de pee = e assy também vzã de artilharia prinsipalmente 
em defensa de suas fortallezas = A forma de pas que 
guarda cõ ho estado he ser ho Idalcã amigo de amigos 
e enemigo de enemigos : porem nam guarda elle isto tam 
pontualmente : porque tem comersio com ho Dachem onde 
manda nãos de Dabul Cidade sua que esta no Norte, nam 
se lhe dando do nosso feytor Português que esta na dita 
Cidade como atras fica dito : e ha Persia nauios hus e outros 
sem cartazes : e em outros muytos particullares na guardam 
os capitais e gouernadores do Idalcã os capitallos das pazes 
fazendo algumas semrezõis aos vassallos de Sua Mag*** 
Christandade nenhuma tem os naturais do Idalcam = antes 
acolhendose os escrauos dos Portuguezes de Goa, ou os 
mesmos Portuguezes para sua terras os deyxa viuer em 
que ley querem : e ordinariamente os escrauos renegam e 
os Portuguezes viuem muy fora da ley que professa = He 
costume e capitallo das pazes que tenha sempre o Idalcam 
hum embayxador na corte da Goa como ordinariamente 
asiste posto que algumas vezes falta ; e a despeza que faz 
he a custa de seu Key, so as cazas lhe da ho estado = e nas 

Digitized by 



fazendas que aprezenta na alfandega se lhe quitam mil e 
quinhentos X®? por contrato. 

As fazendas que hâ nestas terras do Idalcã nam sam 
outras mais que algumas roupas que chama beatilhas; 
argaris; pacharis; teadasj pedras bazares; grande copia 
de diamantes de minas que a quinze annos se descobrira de 
nono nas terras do Rey de Golconda que chama Cotumaxa 
que confmft com estas do Idalcam : e desde o descobrimeto 
das ditas minas athe o prezente se tem empregado mais de 
des milhõis nos ditos diamantes com nenhum, ou muy pouco 
ynteresse da fazenda real = a cuio respeyto o Conde de 
Linhares Yizorrey tem criado o offissio de Corretor Mor da 
pedraria com que se tem esperansa poder a fazenda real ter 
p. 2eo. mais proueyto da muyta deste estado i — Vem mais das 
terras de Idalcam para Goa toda a sorte de mantimentos 
cauza porque hos Mouros tem com este estado algus mãos 
termos paressindo-lhe que nos tem o sustento em suas 
mãos particullarmente trigo, e carnes, e legumes de que 
comem os cauallos : e muyto mais que tudo isto os mari- 
nheyros dos nauios de remo = = 

As fazendas por que se resgatam todas as que vem das 
terras do Idalcam que lhe vem desta Cidade de Goa sam 
todas as drogas do sul, e as mais das que vem do reyno 
principalmente prata, ouro, coral = e muy tas da China como 
seda, ouro, lousa, pao : e o que com mais ynstansia procura 
e leuam os vassallos do Idalxa, sam os cauallos Arábios que 
se trazem de Mascate : e algus Cachis de Cache : posto que 
estes n& com tanta vontade : e assy n& dam tanto por elles: 
como pellos Arábios — Tem esta Cidade de Goa huma 
caza de poluora ao longo do Rio hum pouco afastado do 
Âmago da Cidade a qual tinha prinsipiada o Conde da Vidi- 
gueyra e a acabou o Conde de Linhares com grande trabalho 
e asistensia custando-lhe muyto de sua fazenda, he huma 
das melhores obras e mais bem trassada que ha na índia 
porque tem muytas cazas entre as quais ha três patios pêra 

Digitized by 



Scare as offissinas tarn distantes huas das outras que auendo 
desastre de fogo em hua nã possa empesser has mais dentro 
neste sircuyto ha hua fonte de agoa may boa e moem con- 
tinuamente oyto moynhos cO mullas = 

As armadas que ho Estado da India lansa sam a primeyra f. 2006. 
pêra a costa do Canara que consta athe quinze fustas entre 
nanios e sanguiseis a segunda he pera ho Norte de athe 
vinte nauios = a outra pera o cabo de Comorim de huma 
galle e des nauios = outra armada que se chama dos auen- 
tnreyros que consta de athe vinte nauios esta nam sirue 
mais que de andar buscando paros dos Mallauares, etc. 


Potentíssima ac inuictissimi Ema- 

NUELI8 Regis Portugália & Algarbiorum. 

&c. De Victoriis habitis in India 

& Malacha. Ad. S. in Christo Patrem & 

DVm nostrum DVm Leonem. X. 

Pont. Maximum. 

[Woodcut of arms of Portugal ensigned with a crourn.] 

Anctissimo in Christo Patri, ac bea 

tissimo Dno Diio nostro E. S. ad- 

ditissimus filius Emanuel Dei gra 

tia Bex Portugalii» & Algarbiorum 
citra ultraqwe mare in Affrica Dominus gui 
nee & conquiste nauigationis ac cõmertii 
Ethiopise, Arabic, Persies, atqwe Indies, humil 
lima beatorum pedum oscula. Quantum 
Deo Opt. Max. quantum & tibi gratulari de- 
beamus Beatíssimo Pater, vel ex nuntio quod 
nostra Indica Glassis proximo attulit satis 
apparet. Quod enim te Pont. Max. te S. 

Bo. Ecclesise & Christiano Orbi presiden- 
vol. in. A A 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 


te tarn admiranda in Dei laudem ac gloria 
gesta tarn ex uoto successerint tua certe laus 
tua gloria censeri debet, lure itaque uisum est 
que in India Dei suffragio ad ipsius cultum 
spectantia nostris armis modo facta sint ad 
tuam Sanctitatem, utpote totius Christiane 
Reipublice Caput & orthodoxe religionis 
normam, carptim ac summatira, ne stilum 
Epistolarum excedamus prescribere, ut pro 
rerum dignitate cuncta pensari, summoqwe 
deo accepta referri ualeant, ac indies sui san 
ctissimi nominis gliscentem laude xpTaniqi/0 
dogmatis propagationem facile speremus. 
Igitur paccata post plures dubii Martis ui 
ctorias non sine labore & sanguine partas, 
India relictis in ea opportunis presidiis Al 
phonsus de Albiecherqwe protho capitaneus 
noster ut iacturft, qua superioribus annis nri 
feccrant, iniuriãq?íe ulciscerefcur aureain Cher 
sonesum, Malacham accole appellant con- 
tendi^ ea est inter sinum magnum et Gange 
ticum sita Yrbs mire magnitudinis, utque ui 
gintiquinque millium & amplius larium cen 
seatur terra ipsa fecundíssima, ac nobilíssima 
rum, quas fert India mertium feracissima ce 
lebratissimum ob id Emporium, ubi non 
modo uaria aromata & omnigeni odores, 
sed Auri quoque, Argenti, Margaritarum ac 
preciosorum lapillorum magna copia af- 
fluit : Hanc Rex Maurus gubernabat ea- 
tenus uires suas Maumetica Secta proten- 
dente, cietera Gentiles tenent : Hue itaqiw 
cum instructa Classe applicuisset Al phon- 
sus Vrbem oppugnare destinat : Quod pre- 
sentientes Sarraceni bello, se multis Mu- 
ni tionib us, & Armis prseparauerat, sed 

Digitized by 



frustra : nam commisso bia praelio, nostri 
omnia ad bellum contra catholica fidei ho- 
stes opportnna: militam exercitus : armor?/ m 
ac cõmeatus praasidia ultro offerat : prasser- 
tim si mare rubrum suo coniuuctum domí- 
nio ura classis traiiciat : ubi cõrnodissime 
utriusqwe uires iungi possent. Haud exiguu 
adorando & nere crucis lignum ad nos mit 
tit uiros uafros & industrios poscens quorum, 
ingenio & artificio a Sulcani território & 
Regione Nilii deflecti aliqua diuerti posse 
existimat : aderant tunc apud nostru prefe- 
ctum a Narsingue Rege legati, Rege Genti 
li adeo potentíssimo, ut mille & quingentos 
belligeros Elephantes armatorwra equitu qua 
draginta millia praster innumeru peditu nu 
merum suo arbítrio in aciem paruo negotio 
proferre tantuque agri possidere perhibeatur 
quantu semestri itinere uix emettiri possit, huic 
plures Reges ac Satrapes parent, quorum nõ 
nulli maritimis oris proximi nobis sunt tri 
butarii. Apud Alfonsum & Cambaye Re- 
gis legatus, terra mariqwe potentissimi, atqwe in 
ter Mauros maximi. Item a Zabayo Goe 
quondam dno, atque a Rege Grosapa, Aliiq?*e 
complures Regum Satrapumquc legati a no 
stro prefecto fedus pacemque ultro exorantes 
ac sua munera singuli afferentes, in hac etia 
quae proximo appulit classe ab Armuzii Re 
ge legatus cum multis margaritarwm rerumquc 
protiosarum donis, in signum uidelicet fide 
Htatis & recognitionis ad nos uenit : Hunc 
Regem Alfonsus idem urbe oppulêtissima 
& precípuo empório Armusio ui capto quin 
decim millium Seraphinorum, ea est áurea 
moneta ducatis equiualens, annuum nobis 

Digitized by 



tributariam effecerat. Inter hos successus 
Pater Beatissime Diuino suflragante numi- 
ne per uniuersam Indiam plarimi Spiritus 
sancti gratia igneqt^ afflati depositis getilitiis 
erroribus indies ad nostram religionem oõ 
nersi ueram dei fidem agnoscunt, ohque Deo 
Opt. Max. summaB gratias sunt mérito refe 
rendas : quod tarn procul a nostro orbe, in 
tarn remotis regionibus, quo ne fama quide 
sui sanctissimi nominis penetrauerat, nostra 
nunc sedula opera, suam ueram fidem cul- 
tumque celebraria publicari, ac propagari di- 
gnatus sit : unde proculdubio diuina fauen 
te dementia sperandu est, cum nunc Prefe- 
ctus noster ad mare rubru ut eius ostio oc- 
cupato Sarracenis earwm partiu cOmertia in- 
terdicat relictis in India oportunis presidiis 
ingenti classe properat ut ibi coniunctis sub 
Crucis uexillo presbyteri Ioannis nostrisqwe 
uiribus maximum dei obsequium, & Mau 
metice secte detrimentum & ignominia se- 
quatur, extremaque Orientis ora, quo & sa- 
cras Apostolorum uoces, intonuisse comper- 
tum est occidental! nostras propediem iun- 
gatur, & ad ueri dei cultum ipsius sufiragan- 
te numine traducatur. S. Sedi Apostólicas 
ac tuas sanctitati ut óptimo pastori Christia 
ni gregis more debitum obsequium & obe 
dientiam oblatura. Bene ualeat Beatitudo 
tua, quam pientissimus Deus diu ac felicís- 
simo conseruare & augere ad uotum digne- 
tur. Dat. in Yrbe nostra Olisipone. 8. idus 
Junias Anno Dni. m.d.xiit. 

Romas impressum per Jacob u in 
Mazochium. 9. August! 


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